Vol. 4 No. 6 (October 2005)
Uncommon Denominator
The Newsletter of the Commonweal Institute
www.commonwealinstitute.org
"That is true
culture which helps us to work for the social betterment of all."
-- Henry Ward Beecher
CONTENTS
Talking
Points: The uses of history
Wit and Wisdom: The unbearable lightness of Dick
Cheney
Quoted! Kay Bailey Hutchison on perjury
Check It Out: Iraq Coalition Casualty Count
Featured Article: Religion, politics, and fascism
Happenings: Voting reform materials; CI and
the New Progressive Coalition
Endorsements: Mary Davey
Get Involved: Spread the word; become a
contributor
TALKING POINTS
Americans have a love-hate relationship with history. On the one hand, history
is often seen as something dry and dusty, composed of dates and events and
people that hover on the borders of consciousness and relevance and make the
eyes glaze over, like the Wilmot Proviso. Compared to other Western
democracies, we are shamefully uneducated in history, even our own, and yet
little sense of embarrassment seems to attend this deficiency. That's because Americans
pride themselves on not being constrained or determined by the past, but on
always surging forward confidently into the future, reinventing ourselves, our
nation, and perhaps the world along the way. History? Leave it to the antiquarians and the Europeans.
At the same time, however, Americans have a thirst for the kind of history that
seems to confirm those qualities that make the country special. >From David
McCullough's bestselling John Adams to Tom Brokaw's bestselling The
Greatest Generation, the major figures and the major triumphs of the
Our attitudes toward history, conscious or not, matter a great deal to how
we act in the present, and neither of the common attitudes just sketched out --
the apathetic and the celebratory -- are adequate guides in that regard. To
be more precise, our ability to confront the challenges and solve the problems
of today depends in large measure on whether we approach the past in a spirit
of inquiry, with an eye toward its usefulness. Approaching the past
analytically enables us to extract from it meanings that help us explain the
modern world -- to identify the processes, forces, trends, patterns, and
analogies of history, not simply as an exercise in antiquarianism, but because
they spring from the same basic wells of social thought and behavior today as
they did then. This goes beyond the adage that "those who don't understand
history are bound to repeat it," although that seems true enough. It has
to do more broadly with the importance of critical thinking, a subject which
the Commonweal Institute has addressed before (see, for example the Uncommon
Denominator "Talking
Points" for April 2004).
Unfortunately, we live in an age when many of our leaders, under the guise of
populism and anti-elitism, deliberately undermine the role of active thought,
on the part of the general public, in the making of culture. They do so through
attacks on the universities, on professional science, on non-test-oriented
public school curricula, on the right of access to government information, and
on anything that smacks of "intellectualism." They have
simultaneously used American myths, such as the cowboy or the city on the hill,
as substitutes for an honest, robust debate about the intricacies of various
policy decisions and the wisdom of broad national goals. Taken together,
these strategies have seriously diminished Americans' ability to make the best
use of history. In consequence, while most Americans have come to
understand that the misrepresentation of history can be dangerous when it comes
to matters like holocaust revisionism, they have not, by and large, really
applied that lesson to their own view of history, and what relevance it might
have to their, and their country's, ethical stance in the world.
An important factor here is religious faith. Increasingly, our culture seems to
have adopted an millennialist
understanding of history, in which the central monotheistic myth (the
redemption of souls and the ultimate reunion of humanity and divinity at the
end of time) substitutes for a rational understanding of the processes by which
history actually happens. This millennialist worldview
does not have to involve conscious belief, and it is not limited to Christians.
This view can be recognized in such truisms as, "Have faith -- things
always work out in the end" or, "Eventually they'll get what's coming
to them." In most cases a framework of assumptions rather than an active
ideology, this view of history tends toward passivity, toward accepting the
existence of particular circumstances or social realities as inevitable rather
than contingent, as necessary stages in some grand human narrative rather than
as the byproducts of specific pressures, forces, and decisions. For example, it
is easy to take traffic congestion for granted, to take it as a matter of
course that every day, Americans spends millions of man-hours driving millions
of cars on millions of miles of roadway, when the reality does not actually
have to be that way. Indeed, that image is rather startling when we begin to
contemplate it seriously, and the fact that we usually don't is a failure of
the imagination.
This failure has significant implications for how people understand human
progress (and it is worth remembering that the myth of American progress lies
deep in the national psyche). Viewing history as something that happens to us,
rather than something that we make, renders "true" progress as
something transcendent, as something beyond human effort. This is an abdication
of responsibility, and it promotes, paradoxically, a materialistic, even
nihilistic, view of the world around us, in that it limits the scope of human
progress to the material, the technological, and the economic. In other words, what
gets lost is a sense of how human beings themselves can take charge of the full
spectrum of moral, emotional, and spiritual progress of which we are capable -
progress in terms of social relations, our connection to the environment, and
the encouragement of higher forms of thought.
Crucially, the debilitating power of faith is not the only impediment to a
constructive approach to human history. Also problematic, and also common in
American culture, are a pessimistic form of secularism that denies or
underestimates the possibilites of social change, and
a simple inertia or exhaustion that leads people, sheep-like, to follow their
leaders wheresoever they may lead. The first shows up
in everything from extremist postmodern theory, with its all-devouring
skepticism toward claims of value and truth, to the various mindless hedonisms
of an entertainment society. The second shows up in abominably low levels of
civic participation and a general disinclination to demand accountability from
our political leaders. These cultural shortcomings result in part from a
refusal to accept the responsibility to grapple with the lessons of history.
As Warren Susman argued long ago in Culture as
History (Pantheon, 1973), a good understanding of the uses of history makes
it possible for one to act positively -- "not resign oneself to the myth
of a second chance with some inevitable progress under God's benign direction,
nor surrender to the essential tragedy of the human condition, nor carry on
precisely as one had in the past under the leadership of one's betters."
Consider how these forms of moral debilitation might affect humanity's response
to the global environmental crisis. The first attitude (faithful resignation)
is to say that of course God would not allow his chosen species to perish, and
so therefore we can treat the environment as we will without fear for our
long-term survival. The second (tragic surrender) is to assume prematurely that
we are already hurtling toward some kind of environmental apocalypse, and that
nothing we do as individuals will make any difference. The third (apathy) is to
act as sheep, or cowards, or lemmings, or invalids, in thinking that
politics-as-usual will show the way out.
But what if the response were to educate ourselves in how previous
environmental dangers played out? To see environmental history as something
that we all have a hand in? To apply pressure on
decision-makers to lead us in a sensible direction? To
reform our own lives and communities according to sound ecological principles?
That may sound like dreaming, but only because of the siren song of myth, and the
most dangerous myths are those that blind us to the possibilities for constructive
reform in the present by substituting a sense of inevitability for a belief in
personal agency, while putting self-justification before self-examination.
That, indeed, is a good way of defining political conservatism. And a troubling
tendency in modern American conservatism is that, while preferring to operate
in the realm of myth (cowboy boots, Mount Rushmore) when it comes to
communicating with the public, its key leaders operate in practical terms out
of a clear sense of historical mission and ideological purpose. So the public
(much of it, at least) is spoon-fed pabulum while having history -- and the
future -- constructed for them by others.
It is interesting, in this connection, that much of the rage of young Muslim
radicals seems to stem from their feeling of historical powerlessness. That is,
it arises from their humiliating feeling of alienation from the world's
history, a sense of not being able to participate meaningfully in the creation
of that history. In compensation, some of them cling fanatically to old
cultural and religious myths, such as the vision of a pan-global Islamic
caliphate, or the glories of martyrdom. Such myths -- in any culture -- seem to
provide the dignity and the justice denied by history. Where history promises only
the long hard slog, myth promises meaning and power in the here and now.
One wonders, as the global military and economic power of the
WIT AND WISDOM
"Morale is so bad at the White House that Dick Cheney has been giving pep
talks. Yeah, you know it's bad when Dick Cheney is the most cheerful guy in the
room." -- Conan O'Brien
"I do not hold to the view of our Constitution that there must be an
actual, indictable crime in order for an act of a public officer to be
impeachable….
"This Senate on numerous occasions has convicted impeached Federal Judges
on allegations of perjury. Moreover, the historical fact is that 'high crimes
and misdemeanors,' as used and applied in English law on which portions of our
Constitution were founded, included the crimes of 'obstructing the execution of
the lawful process' and of 'willful and corrupt perjury.'…
"Willful, corrupt, and false sworn testimony before a Federal grand jury
is a separate and distinct crime under applicable law and is material and perjurious if it is 'capable' of influencing the grand jury
in any matter before it, including any collateral matters that it may consider.
See, Title 18, Section 1623, U.S. Code, and Federal court cases interpreting
that Section….
"The President's testimony before the Federal grand jury was fully capable
of influencing the grand jury's investigation and was clearly perjurious." -- Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison
(R-Texas), on the investigation of President Clinton, in her official
statement published in the Congressional Record on Feb. 12, 1999.
CHECK IT OUT
With the number of
The information includes not only the numbers of dead and wounded American
soldiers and non-military personnel, such as contractors, but also the figures
for Iraqi police and security forces, and for non-American military personnel.
The site also gives descriptions of each known incident, such as this from Oct.
25: "Two policemen were killed and another seven wounded when gunmen ambushed
a vehicle transferring prisoners in the western Ghazaliya
district of Baghdad, police said. It was not clear if there were casualties
among the prisoners."
Based just providing raw numbers, the ICCC goes on to organize the information
statistically. It lists American casualties by city and state; by ethnicity; by
The risk that such a numerically-oriented website will serve to dehumanize the
victims of the
Check it out.
FEATURED ARTICLE
The following is an excerpt from Fritz Stern's "A
Fundamental History Lesson: The Rise of National Socialism Proved Politics and
Religion Don't Mix," which appeared in the October 10, 2005, issue of In
These Times.
"We who were born at
the end of the
"Twenty years ago, I wrote about 'National Socialism as Temptation,' about
what it was that induced so many Germans to embrace the terrifying specter.
There were many reasons, but at the top ranks Hitler himself, a brilliant
populist manipulator who insisted and probably believed that Providence had
chosen him as Germany's savior, that he was the instrument of Providence, a
leader who was charged with executing a divine mission.
"God had been drafted into national politics before, but Hitler's success
in fusing racial dogma with a Germanic Christianity was an immensely powerful
element in his electoral campaigns. Some people recognized the moral perils of
mixing religion and politics, but many more were seduced by it. It was the
pseudo-religious transfiguration of politics that largely ensured his success,
notably in Protestant areas, where clergy shared Hitler's hostility to the
liberal-secular state and its defenders, and were filled with anti-Semitic
doctrine."
Click here to read
the whole article.
HAPPENINGS
New Resources about Elections and Voting -- The Commonweal Institute has
posted on its website several new items about elections and voting designed for
general public audiences. These are intended to be simple and nontechnical, yet useful for citizens who would like to get
informed about and involved in election matters. The documents include:
Guidelines for
Ensuring Fair and Accurate Elections:
www.commonwealinstitute.org/publications/ElectionGuidelinesSummary.pdf
Election Problems and Proposed Solutions:
www.commonwealinstitute.org/publications/ElectionProblemsAndProposedSolutions.pdf
Both Parties Must Protect Integrity of Vote:
www.commonwealinstitute.org/Commentary/Integrity_of_vote.htm
Please feel free to cite, link
to, or use them (giving credit). We would appreciate comments and suggestions
for improvement.
New Progressive Coalition Launched, Commonweal Institute a Founding Member
-- The Commonweal Institute has been selected to serve as a Founding Member of
the New Progressive Coalition.
Thanks to all of you for making our organization what it is. It's because of
your support that NPC has chosen us as one of the most effective and promising
progressive grassroots organizations in the country.
The New Progressive Coalition is a new political venture whose purpose is to
build a powerful network for long-term progressive change. The idea behind NPC
is that, in order to counter the right-wing's ascendancy, we need to focus on
wiring all of our talent and leadership together and building a progressive
political machine for the long term.
As a hub for the new emerging progressive movement, NPC exists as a marketplace
of ideas, resources and services for political innovators and investors of all
sizes. Members can submit ideas or proposals to solicit community feedback and
earn the financial backing and resources necessary for success. Members can
also find the most cutting edge projects out there and help make them
successful. NPC will also host events, online forums and blogs
to connect the community, so that progressives help each other succeed by
exchanging strategies that can be replicated across the country.
As a Founding Member, the Commonweal Institute will be involved with NPC on an
ongoing basis, helping to clarify its vision and set its strategic goals. If
you agree that the key to our success is in expanding and strengthening a broad
coalition of organizations like ours, consider joining NPC and helping it grow.
ENDORSEMENTS
"The Commonweal Institute's major goal is to promote moderate and
progressive ideas widely, in order to counteract the ultra right movement's
destructive influences upon our national policies. Armed with researched and
validated facts, the Institute reveals the strategy of the ultra right and
motivates us to develop a strong, effective response. I am in full support of
this important organization." -- Mary Davey, Director, Midpeninsula
Regional Open Space District (San Francisco Bay Area)
GET INVOLVED
If you agree with Mary Davey (see above), there are a number of ways you can
help the Commonweal Institute achieve its goals.
Right now, as you read, you can simply forward the Uncommon Denominator
to friends and family who might be interested in learning about the Commonweal
Institute. Getting the word out is crucial.
You can also join our network of donors building the Commonweal
Institute. Your tax-deductible contribution is vital to making the Commonweal
Institute an effective organization. $100 would help so much! Even a
contribution of $10 or $20 will make a difference because there are so many
moderates and progressives. Click here to
contribute online. Or call 650-854-9796. Your support is essential.
© 2005 The Commonweal
Institute
To subscribe to this free e-newsletter, send a blank message to: ci-newsletter-subscribe@svpal.org.
-- or
--
To subscribe from an email address other than your regular one, go to mailman.svpal.org/mailman/listinfo/ci-newsletter, and
then enter your name and email address and click on "Subscribe."
Privacy Policy: The Commonweal Institute does not share subscriber
information with any other organization or with individuals.