Vol. 3 No. 7 (November 2004)

Uncommon Denominator


The Newsletter of the Commonweal Institute
www.commonwealinstitute.org

"I believe there are more instances of the abridgement of freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachments of those in power than by violent and sudden usurpations."
---- James Madison

 

CONTENTS

Talking Points: Truth and the Right
Wit and Wisdom: In the dark
Check It Out: Red state blues
Featured Article: "The Godly Must Be Crazy"
Quoted! Rick Santorum on American destiny
Happenings: Defining progressivism; new CI report; infrastructure initiative
Endorsements: Ted Lempert
Get Involved: Spread the word; become a contributor




TALKING POINTS

The last several years have not been good ones for the progressive movement, and one senses a level of frustration akin to that of trying to disentangle 25 coat-hangers. Much of the frustration has to do with the fact that the truth about the conservative Right is not really getting through to people ---- at least, to those people who might be willing to change their views accordingly. The problem is partly a matter of the Left's communication style and strategy, which need serious renovation, but also one of highly successful conservative efforts at neutralizing inconvenient truths, and at undermining the truth-tellers.

It's a striking reality of our current political culture that criticisms of conservative policies or strategies are routinely denied having any truth value whatsoever. There are three main tactics by which the Right tries to delegitimize its detractors:

1. The critics are just being political. The flawed logic of this charge is that, if a critical stance or statement might have political consequences, that criticism is intrinsically political and must therefore be untrustworthy. Example: Richard Clarke, the former chief of counter-terrorism, who after criticizing the invasion of Iraq was accused of trying to give the administration a black eye simply because he hadn't received a promotion.

2. The critics are just conspiracy theorists. In this case, the reasoning is that, if a critical argument requires a number of dots to be connected, involving a variety of actors and events, then that argument is a confection or a paranoid fantasy. Example: Legitimate concerns about the accuracy of electronic voting equipment are dismissed as the rantings of the "loony left" who refuse to accept the results of the election.

3. The critics are like Chicken Little. Here, the approach is to make reasonable claims seem unreasonable by suggesting that they are unfounded or that they imply more than they actually do. Example: Environmentalists who point to evidence of global warming's potential economic and social impacts are accused of concocting doomsday scenarios designed to scare people into supporting a radical agenda.

What links these three tactics is that they are ad hominem attacks designed to undercut the very authority to speak of those making the criticism. This holds true, frequently, even when the substance of the criticism is engaged ---- but that engagement, we should note, often takes the form only of denial or distortion.

But isn't the Left also guilty of ad hominem attacks, we might ask, and of distorting its opponents' claims? Why should the Right come in for more severe censure? Well, yes, the Left is far from perfect, but there are some crucial differences here.

First, consider that two of the Right's primary targets over the last 30 years have been the media and the universities. Conservatives say that what these institutions have in common is "liberal bias." What they really have in common, however -- as a matter of professional and institutional mission -- is that they are devoted to the pursuit of the truth. Journalists and academics can fall short of that ideal, of course, but is it mere coincidence that these "liberal" institutions nonetheless represent most fully our society's liberal (in the original sense of the word) dedication to free inquiry and the dissemination of knowledge? Perhaps Americans, when they hear attacks on the press and professors, should stop and consider why it might be that so many members of the media and universities -- those whose job descriptions commit them to figuring out what's going on in the world -- reject the Right's worldview.

In any case, the cumulative result of the conservative campaign against these two institutions is that it has become much harder for Americans to know what the truth is. Their healthy trust (meaning a trust informed by critical awareness) in the institutions of knowledge has been deliberately and systematically undermined, and now an unhealthy suspicion or confusion reigns. In our image-saturated, message-mad world, when the sheer quantity of information can seem overwhelming, that makes it easier for misconceptions to propagate and for the public to be manipulated. >From this view, the supposedly "elitist" press and universities are in fact anti-elitist, in that they help people cut through the static, make good decisions for themselves, resist the lure of demagogues.

A second important difference is the Right's comparatively greater penchant for governmental secrecy. Again, there's no monopoly of virtue here; political actors across the spectrum have tried in their own ways to suppress evidence or conceal the truth. As a matter of declared and practiced policy, however, the conservative record trends toward less public information, not more. Usually justified in terms of Presidential prerogative, this "darkness" policy has emerged in a variety of recent cases: Dick Cheney's energy task force meeting behind closed doors; the Justice Department holding secret trials of terrorism suspects; the military refusing to release information about detainees at Guantánamo Bay or Abu Ghraib. Deeming the public unworthy of learning the truth about such matters -- or spinning the truth until we're all dizzy -- is the true elitism, the dangerous elitism.

If you think about it, the hypocrisy of all this is stunning. That's because conservatives have long prided themselves on their belief in "objective truth," while accusing the Left of espousing a kind of sickly postmodern moral relativism. Yet one need look no further than the current administration's famous contempt for science in order to take the measure of conservative cynicism about the truth. Dismissing unpleasant truths as politically motivated without giving them any sort of hearing is not, whatever they may say, a belief in the sanctity of fact -- or in the sanctity of life. And no less hypocritical is it to claim self-righteously the mantle of "populism" while making it more difficult for the populace both to get and to interpret reliable information. Increasingly, modern American conservatism has come to seem both premodern and postmodern in the worst ways: premodern in its blinkered fundamentalism, and postmodern in its skill at creating a "reality" that can be packaged and sold.

It's symptomatic that simply putting the argument in these terms seems to verge on paranoia. Things have gotten to where just pointing out the undisputed facts can make one sound like a wild-eyed fanatic: American soldiers torture and kill prisoners in Iraq; half a million fewer Americans have health insurance now than in 2001; the climate gets warmer and warmer, and oil consumption goes up and up; more Americans believe in the devil than in evolution. What's a progressive to do?

That's an easy one. Never back down, unless the facts call for it. Never stop calling it like you see it. Press for more information and better information. Point out falsehood where it shows itself. Stand on conviction, yet be willing to adapt to new truths. Have faith that the truth shall set us free, and will prevail in the end. "By their fruits shall ye know them," a wise man once said, and as the bitter fruit of conservative ideology ripens, and the public wearies of its taste, progressives must be there standing on principle: justice, compassion, fairness, equality, honesty.


WIT AND WISDOM

New Tourist Video at Lincoln Memorial to Highlight Historical Role of Whites, Men

"A conservative group says that a videotape being shown to tourists at the Lincoln Memorial implies that President Lincoln would have supported a laundry list of radical causes. They're urging that the National Park Service edit out the offensive scenes of civil rights marches and replace them with less celebrated moments from American history."

-- parody, from The Swift Report. Read more.




CHECK IT OUT

Ever since the election, there's been a lot of talk about "red states" and "blue states," and the conventional wisdom is that the latter represent a relatively small slice of the country -- fringed around the West Coast, crowded up into the Northeast. This is, of course, a misleading view, and part of the problem is that the maps showing the state-by-state, winner-take-all, red-blue results are covered mostly in red. Now, three researchers at the
University of Michigan -- Michael Gastner, Cosma Shalizi, and Mark Newman -- have created an online analysis titled "Maps and cartograms of the 2004 US presidential election results" that adjusts for population density, and rescales the maps (including county-by-county) accordingly. The researchers explain:

"The (contiguous 48) states of the country are colored red or blue to indicate whether a majority of their voters voted for the Republican candidate (George W. Bush) or the Democratic candidate (John F. Kerry) respectively. The map gives the superficial impression that the 'red states' dominate the country, since they cover far more area than the blue ones. However, as pointed out by many others, this is misleading because it fails to take into account the fact that most of the red states have small populations, whereas most of the blue states have large ones. The blue may be small in area, but they are large in terms of numbers of people, which is what matters in an election.

"We can correct for this by making use of a cartogram, a map in which the sizes of states have been rescaled according to their population. That is, states are drawn with a size proportional not to their sheer topographic acreage -- which has little to do with politics -- but to the number of their inhabitants, states with more people appearing larger than states with fewer, regardless of their actual area on the ground. Thus, on such a map, the state of Rhode Island, with its 1.1 million inhabitants, would appear about twice the size of Wyoming, which has half a million, even though Wyoming has 60 times the acreage of Rhode Island."

It's visually quite revealing!
Check it out.


FEATURED ARTICLE

The following is an excerpt from Glenn Scherer's "The Godly Must Be Crazy: Christian-right views are swaying politicians and threatening the environment," which appeared in the Oct. 27 edition of Grist magazine, an online journal of environmental news and commentary.

"Forty-five senators and 186 representatives in 2003 earned 80- to 100-percent approval ratings from the nation's three most influential Christian right advocacy groups -- the Christian Coalition, Eagle Forum, and Family Resource Council. Many of those same lawmakers also got flunking grades -- less than 10 percent, on average -- from the League of Conservation Voters last year…

"Today's Christian fundamentalist politicians are more politically savvy than Reagan's interior secretary [James Watt] was; you're unlikely to catch them overtly attributing public-policy decisions to private religious views. But their words and actions suggest that many share Watt's beliefs. Like him, many Christian fundamentalists feel that concern for the future of our planet is irrelevant, because it has no future. They believe we are living in the End Time, when the son of God will return, the righteous will enter heaven, and sinners will be condemned to eternal hellfire. They may also believe, along with millions of other Christian fundamentalists, that environmental destruction is not only to be disregarded but actually welcomed -- even hastened -- as a sign of the coming Apocalypse."

Click here to read the whole article.


QUOTED!

"I've read the Bible. Nowhere in the Bible does it say that
America will be here 100 years from now. We can blow this. This country can fail." ---- U.S. Senator Rick Santorum (R-Pennsylvania), at a political rally in 1994, as quoted in Slate magazine


HAPPENINGS

Defining Progressivism -- The Commonweal Institute has been a sidelines member of the Reaching Beyond the Choir Project (RBCP), started and run by Wade Hudson. RBCP has solicited a number of proposed statements of purpose for the progressive movement (as a whole) and is now asking that everyone interested cast their vote for the one(s) they think best. The deadline is Dec. 20.
Hudson's letter follows:

Dear Fellow Progressives:

You are invited to rank nine proposed statements of purpose for the progressive movement. These statements are at: blogs.utiligeek.com/towardpeace.php?cat=62 Instructions are included as the first comment at the end of each statement. The full, undivided text of the statement can also been seen in that first comment.

These statements have been submitted in response to the Request for Submissions circulated by the Reaching Beyond the Choir Project.

The purpose of this project is to "identify one or more short Statements of Purpose that will enable the progressive movement to better connect with mainstream Americans by expressing political principles that are clearly rooted in underlying American moral values."

Your feedback will assist in the evaluation of the effectiveness of these statements. After December 15, we will tabulate the results, identify the authors of the statements, and widely distribute a report on the results.

Thanks very much for participation. Please extend this invitation to your associates by posting it to e-lists and websites.

For more information about the Reaching Beyond the Choir Project, see: http://blogs.utiligeek.com/towardpeace.php/2004/11/11/aboutrbcp

Sincerely,
Wade Hudson, Coordinator
Reaching Beyond the Choir Project

New CI Report on Medical Malpractice -- A new report from the Commonweal Institute examines the existing data about medical malpractice awards and the data sources, and discusses obstacles to understanding what is actually happening with regard to medical malpractice awards. In particular, the authors detail serious problems with use of the data from Jury Verdict Research (JVR), on which many so-called "tort reform" initiatives are based. JVR data, by their nature, are strongly biased toward very large outcomes of successful court cases, which represent only a small fraction of the total medical malpractice cases filed. The report, titled "Faulty Data and False Conclusions: The Myth of Skyrocketing Medical Malpractice Verdicts," discusses why present data sources are inadequate for determining the truth of what is happening with medical malpractice awards, and shows that there are a number of reasons to suspect that awards in general are quite modest and are not rising. Full report available online.

New CI Initiative -- The Commonweal Institute is undertaking ground-breaking work to improve the political influence of moderates and progressives. This will require creation of a substantial network of organizations and individuals-an infrastructure-that will be able to market moderate and progressive ideas to the broad public and move the political center of this country. The conservative assault, not only on Democrats but also on moderate Republicans, shows that this is an issue that goes beyond political party affiliation. CI staff have done extensive analysis on infrastructure design and function, have been giving presentations on the topic, and have publications planned. For further information, please email Katherine Forrest.


ENDORSEMENTS

"Commonweal will play three critical roles in helping all of us and our organizations in making the world a better place. They will frame the debate, provide research for existing organizations and expand the base." -- Ted Lempert, former California State Assembly member and CEO of EdVoice, now President of Children Now


GET INVOLVED

If you agree with Ted Lempert (see above), there are a number of ways you can help the Commonweal Institute achieve its goals.

Right now, as you read, you can simply forward the Uncommon Denominator to friends and family who might be interested in learning about the Commonweal Institute. Getting the word out is crucial.

You can also join our network of donors building the Commonweal Institute. Your tax-deductible contribution is vital to making the Commonweal Institute an effective organization. $100 would help so much! Even a contribution of $10 or $20 will make a difference because there are so many moderates and progressives.
Click here to contribute online. Or call 650-854-9796. Your support is essential.

 


 

© 2004 The Commonweal Institute

 



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