Vol. 3 No. 4 (August 2004)

Uncommon Denominator


The Newsletter of the Commonweal Institute
www.commonwealinstitute.org

"It should be the open and universal demand of the American people that those who represent us shall place the relations we sustain to other nations permanently on the same plane of frank honesty, generally prevailing among individuals ."
-- Edward Griggs, The Soul of Democracy (1918)

 

CONTENTS

Talking Points: Gone forth and multiplied
Wit and Wisdom: Teenagers....or Al Qaeda?
Dispatches: Bilingualism in Canada
Featured Article: John Carey on global warming
Check It Out: Bring out your votes
Quoted! Porter Goss on his qualifications
Happenings: Still talking politics
Endorsements: Nancy Pelosi
Get Involved: Spread the word; become a contributor




TALKING POINTS

It didn't take the Biblical injunction to "Be fruitful and multiply; fill the earth and subdue it" (Genesis 1:28), for humankind to go about the task of filling and subduing the earth. It did take a few centuries, however, before some people began wondering about the implications of doing so.

In his 1798 Essay on the Principle of Population, the British political economist Thomas Malthus argued that the future rate of human population growth would increase exponentially while the rate of agricultural food production could only increase geometrically. The result, he predicted, would be an inexorable divergence between population and resources, entailing an inevitable train of grim consequences: poverty, famine, war, misery. The theory underlying this depressing scenario has been frequently challenged over the years, but its haunting power and intuitive plausibility suggest that Malthus was not completely off the mark.

Certainly, the implications of population growth exerted a strong influence on the nineteenth-century imagination. Debates about national identity, slavery, westward expansion, urbanization, evolution, and even the possibility of space exploration, were all inflected by theories of human "increase."

In his "Thanksgiving discourse" on the U.S. census of 1860, for instance, the American minister Horace Bushnell noted that the American population had grown six-fold since 1790 and estimated that the 1950 census might count as many as 400 million people: "Are we thus to rush up, in a tide, upon the great dike of Mr. Malthus, the dike of starvation, and so come to our limit?" Although he argued that an educated and independent people would never let that happen, Bushnell did stress the fundamental social changes wrought by population growth. "A people greatly increased by numbers is not that same people, simply magnified. They become inevitably another people, in many respects. They pass into migrations, change their modes of culture and production, their polity, policy, character, public bearing, and the whole tenor, in fact, of their history."

Perhaps this change would really be one of forward evolution. In his 1859 Origin of Species, Charles Darwin suggested that competition for scarce resources creates a natural limit to population growth and a selection mechanism for the more fit members of a species. In 1876,
Darwin's friend and primary advocate in the U.S., the botanist Asa Gray, wrote that evolutionary theory provided "thousand-fold confirmation and extension of the Malthusian doctrine that population tends far to outrun means of subsistence throughout the animal and vegetable world, and has to be kept down by sharp preventive checks."

But others, of a less empirical cast of mind, wondered whether there might not exist intriguing safety valves for excess population. The eccentric reverend C. L. Hequembourg, for instance, in his Plan of the Creation (1859) speculated that "the earth may not be spacious enough, under its present laws of reproduction, to contain its future and long-lived populations. In such an event, the families of man may be outspread over the other members of our solar system."

Fast forward to the twentieth century, with its countless science fictions exploring such themes and possibilities. There's no end of fantastic scenarios, to be sure, but where there's smoke we should look for fire. The crowded filthy industrial megalopolis of film, with its Malthusian herds lined up for the next shuttle to the Jupiter colony, is not that far removed, when you think about it, from New York, Mexico City, Bombay, or Jakarta. The only things missing are the colony and the shuttle.

The statistics of human population growth are sobering. "Although the human species emerged perhaps 150,000 years ago, most of its growth in numbers has occurred in the last 40 years," observes Michael Teitelbaum in "The Population Threat" (Foreign Affairs, Winter 1992/93). "It took scores of millennia to reach the first billion humans, around 1800; over a century to reach the second billion, somewhere between 1918 and 1927; about 33 years to the third billion, around 1960; only 14 years to the fourth billion in 1974; and 13 years to the fifth in 1987."

In 1999, the 6 billion milestone was reached, and the current figure is 6.4 billion people, with an average yearly global growth rate of 1.14 percent. By 2050, industrialized nations are projected to increase their population by about 4 percent, compared to 55 percent for developing countries, especially those in Asia and sub-Saharan Africa. The fastest growing countries include Bangladesh (2.08%), Nigeria (2.45%), Sudan (2.64%), the Congo (2.99%), Indonesia (1.49%), Pakistan (1.98%), and Ethiopia (1.89%). The total global population is expected to reach 9.3 billion by mid-century. (These statistics are drawn from the Population Reference Bureau's 2004 World Population Data Sheet, available at
www.prb.org, and GeoHive Global Statistics, available at www.xist.org. These organizations, in turn, compiled their numbers from the U.N. and the C.I.A.).

Humanity appears to have already exceeded the carrying capacity of our planet, if one looks at the effect of both population and resource consumption combined. The concept of the "Ecological Footprint" is instructive. According to Redefining Progress, the Ecological Footprint "represents a quantitative assessment of the biologically productive area (the amount of nature) required to produce the resources (food, energy, and materials) and to absorb the wastes of an individual, city, region, or country&..[T]he footprint (i.e., a measure of human consumption), can exceed the planet's ecological limits, but only for a limited time, by using resources more quickly than they can be renewed&.[B]etween 1960 and 2000 the combined Ecological Footprint of nations steadily increased to what appears to be an unsustainable level in the 1970s. Much of this growth has been due to the increase in human population and the concomitant demand on natural resources." The footprint of the United States, on a per capita basis, is greater than that of any other country in the world. (Download details of the analysis).

Other species, during periods of successful expansion, can achieve or even far exceed similar growth rates, but what distinguishes human beings is a remarkable (if too often unfulfilled) capacity for forethought -- and a tendency to consume more resources than we need. We need to ask, then, where all this is heading, whether anything can be or should be done, and if so, what the possible approaches are. Not to do so is to fall short of our tremendous potential.

So what are the threats posed by overpopulation or excessive population growth? Answers to that question are not far to seek. A strain on natural resources such as wood, earth, water, and food. Conflicts and social instability produced by competition for those resources. Dangerous levels of pollution and garbage. Widespread extinctions of other species. Transnational migrations of poor or starving people. Underlying all of these, as Bushnell suggested, are the subtle, and not so pleasant changes, to the character of a society, whether it is on the "winning" or "losing" end of the struggle. All of our debates about population growth need to be understood in that context.

Optimists do exist, however, and their arguments usually rely on the premise that the human capacity for resource production will outdistance resource depletion. Sheldon Richman, Senior Editor at the Cato Institute, told Congress in 1995, "people are not problems; they're problem solvers," and asserted that this problem-solving should involve free-market solutions and economic development rather than government intervention. (Read Richman's full testimony here). More recently, Vaclav Smil, in Feeding the World: A Challenge for the Twenty-First Century (2000), has argued that if we take advantage of our technology and scientific know-how, it would be possible to feed 10 billion people, which he takes as a levelling-off point for the global population.

But why should we expect the global population to stop growing at 10 billion? And why should we expect the problem of feeding more people to be the only or even the most important challenge? Since humanity's impact is a combination of absolute numbers and lifestyle, shouldn't we be looking at both? Isn't it better to get ahead of these issues, and take the vital steps now rather than later? And why think that population stabilization needs to take some dark form of government "intrusion" into reproductive freedom?

That mis-characterization is just one of a number of obstacles to developing effective policies for population stabilization. Others include religious prohibitions against contraception and women's rights; charges of racism (given the lower growth rates in Western countries); the economic importance of children in agricultural or developing societies; and the simple fact that people are hard-wired to make more of their own kind.

What we have is the familiar, and too often predictable, clash between short-term needs or desires and long-term thinking. It is also an example of the "tragedy of the commons," a concept describing the conflict between individual and communal interests. The idea is that if every individual serves his own needs (such as taking more than his share of the common land, or having 10 kids rather than 2), the collective result is not that every individual benefits, but that everybody ultimately loses.

The problem of excessive population growth is a real and very difficult problem, and it is deeply linked to questions of economics, environment, religion, and psychology. Effective policy approaches, therefore, need to be broadly and carefully conceived. Among the most important:

Access to family planning information and resources. The United States must rescind its "gag rule" against aid organizations that discuss contraception and abortion. We should instead help people here and around the world understand the various options that parents or prospective parents (especially teenagers) have. This is not a costly undertaking, and it is not tyranny. It is simply informational. Going along with the information, we should make the resources for fertility control available to all who want them. Promotion of women's education and women's rights. A formidable barrier to sensible population growth is the fact that in many cultures, women have few professional opportunities and insufficient legal protection. A strong correlation exists between the status of women in a society and their ability to determine their own reproductive future.

Economic assistance. A strong correlation also exists between the economic health of a country and its ability to reach a sustainable population growth rate. Intelligent economic assistance does not mean "throwing money" at the problem, but managing the aid in such a way that it contributes significantly to a society's infrastructural, educational, and institutional strength.

Reduced resource consumption. The industrialized democracies, which consume far more than the rest of the world combined, must do several things. First, in the words of Lester Brown, founder of the World Watch Institute , develop a "comprehensive reuse/recycle economy" rather than our current "throw-away economy." Second, accept the possibility that our current standard of living may need to be lowered. Third, develop cleaner, more efficient technologies. Fourth, encourage the adoption of these technologies by developing nations.

More enlightened attitudes toward life. For their own good if nothing else, people should recognize that human beings exist in a complex web of interdependence with other people and other species on this planet, and that we have a moral imperative not to grab more than our share or to live parasitically. A respect for life means a commitment not just to the quantity but to the quality of life, and a commitment not just to human life, but to all life.

These approaches would represent vital steps toward a livable and sustainable future for humankind and our fellow species. What is important to recognize, moreover, is that these policies are good and worthy whether or not they help to reduce or stabilize the global population growth rate. Standing in their way are inertia, ideology, denial, ignorance, and self-interest. But -- and here's the real optimism -- we as individuals are also able to come together with others to discuss and take action. As a topic of public conversation, it is time we address what we want the future of our world to be, and how to make that vision a reality.

We need to take our heads out of the sand and get our act together -- lest we discover that by going forth and multiplying so successfully, we have lost our granted Eden.


WIT AND WISDOM

Local Sheriff Suspects Al-Qaeda or Teens

"Baraboo, WI -- Sauk County Sheriff Virgil 'Butch' Steinhorst announced Tuesday that he believes a recent rash of Baraboo-area crimes was perpetrated by the al-Qaeda terrorist network or teenagers."

-- from The Onion. Read more.




DISPATCHES

"Every time you look at the world and life and humanity through the key, which is language, you discover another profile, another vision of the same world & So, learning another language makes you bigger, gives you a wider vision, makes you feel subtleties that you don't get in one language." -- Antonine Maillet

On July 6, Canada's national radio and television network carried the story of Yvon Tessier and his guide dog Pavot, an athletic black Labrador. The two arrived at the University of New Brunswick for a five-week English immersion course for Mr. Tessier and a normal working assignment for Pavot. Although the university has offered the program for the last 50 years, it gave the thumbs-down to Mr. Tessier and Pavot, arguing that the dog understands commands only in French and that any French words would spoil the course's success. There was nothing for it: Pavot must study English for two months before master and dog could return to the university.

This amusing anecdote conveys more, of course, than the tribulations of a French-speaking man and his French-obeying hound. As both Canada and the United States become more ethnically diverse, they are also becoming more linguistically diverse. Like Europe, Asia, and Africa, we can hear a babel of languages on street corners, radio, and television, if not always in legislative proceedings. Pavot's story, it seems, shows how institutional and official culture can lag behind the public -- and it suggests that only a spirit of curiosity, flexibility, and inclusiveness can overcome conflict and ensure the rights of minority language groups.

Another anecdote, also from July, is somewhat less amusing. A union of workers at the University of British Columbia has filed a complaint against the school with the B.C. Human Rights Commissioner, charging that a supervisor, on hearing a conversation in Serbo-Croatian between two members of the cleaning staff, told them to stop, claiming that UBC's policy was English-only on campus. The case is now in arbitration.

In Canada, we have long been committed to bilingualism and biculturalism in two European languages, English and French, and we are now attempting to expand that initial idea to multiculturalism. What our experience in doing so demonstrates is the need for enlightened legislation, language training and exchange programs, and the positive representation of different language groups in both history texts and the media.

In the 1960s, a revolution found political expression in Quebec, Canada's mainly French-speaking province, whose inhabitants had been ordered for years by their Anglo employers to "speak white." This "Quiet Revolution," which ultimately established French as the official language of Quebec, reflected a long-held desire to be maîtres chez nous, masters in their own house.

But persistent, difficult questions remained, and in 1965-66, at the Ottawa offices of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, they were made explicit. Was Quebec really un pays, a country? How should Canada respond? What did Quebec really want? How to address its demands? Would the rest of the provinces agree to give Quebec powers shared by no other province? Would special powers predicate separation? Would separation mean partition? Would partition signal economic ruin? What of the status of Canada's aboriginal peoples, including Canada's First Nations? Were they not here first, long before Samuel Champlain built Port Royal and founded the Order of Good Cheer? How to deal with the growing number of Canadians from countries such as the Ukraine, Belarus, Germany, The Netherlands, and Latvia, whose mother tongue was neither English nor French?

Eventually, the Commission decided that the French and the English constituted the two founding nations and made these the two official languages, but it thereby gave its stamp to an inaccurate and unfair notion of Canada's ethnic past. The Inuit, the Dene, the Cree, the Iroquois, the Mohawks, the Onandaga, the Ojibway, the Métis, and other aboriginal groups were, as they say, pipped at the post. Thus, this solution to the "Quebec Problem" not only did little to address Quebec's political aspirations, but it left the aboriginals and "multicults" to fumble in the dark for their coats. Although the government's agenda has included improved living conditions and justice administration for native Canadians, in the absence of formal policies to preserve aboriginal languages, natives themselves have had to try to their best. "The history and culture cannot be saved in English," wrote the late educator P. C. Paul. "It can be saved only in our language."

Nevertheless, official bilingualism and biculturalism have broadened to encompass a larger principle: appreciation of and respect for multiculturalism (even though it's not always so clear how to translate this principle into action). A February 2004 Environics poll, undertaken for the
Centre for Research and Information on Canada (CRIC) found that English-speaking Canadians outside Quebec embrace official bilingualism as part of their Canadian identity. These Canadians also believe that a) learning to speak French helps keep the country together; b) learning a second language is fulfilling; and c) a respect for bilingualism and biculturalism easily translates into appreciation for diversity. In another CRIC study, "The New Canada Revisited" (July 2004), only 31 per cent of respondents agreed with the proposition that: "A country is in which everyone speaks the same language and has similar ethnic and religious backgrounds is preferable to a country in which people speak different languages and have different ethnic and religious backgrounds," as compared to 68 per cent who disagreed.

It appears that bilingualism and, increasingly, an acceptance of ethnic and linguistic diversity, have become a point of Canadian national pride.

For decades, staid Canadians have secretly envied the overflowing expression of American patriotism, especially when great Canadian opinion leaders such as Marshall McLuhan opine: "Canada has no identity and never has had an identity; any sense of identity we have is our sense of density." Yet Maple-Leaf wavers have been known to burst into uncontrollable tears as they sing their official national anthem. And, bilingual or not, they seem to agree with the words on a T-shirt, worn in the western city of Edmonton: "I know I'm not perfect, but I'm a Canadian (which is close enough.)."

The United States has its own tradition of taking national pride in a multi-ethnic immigrant history. That pride, however, must involve more than rhetoric. It should entail a broad institutional and political recognition of linguistic diversity. It should also recognize that productive change takes time and patience, that Babel was not built in a day.

-- J. Lindsay Kellock




FEATURED ARTICLE

The following is an excerpt from the "Global Warming" cover story of the August 16, 2004, edition of Business Week. The article, by John Carey, is welcome evidence that the business community is taking the threat of global warming seriously and beginning to implement both market-driven and state-mandated strategies for coping with it.

"Taking action brings a host of ancillary benefits. The main way to cut greenhouse-gas emissions is simply to burn less fossil fuel. Making cars and factories more energy-efficient and using alternative sources would make America less dependent on the Persian Gulf and sources of other imported oil. It would mean less pollution. And many companies that have cut emissions have discovered, often to their surprise, that it saves money and spurs development of innovative technologies....

"For businesses, [global warming] presents threats -- and opportunities. Insurers may face more floods, storms, and other disasters. Farmers must adjust crops to changing climates. Companies that pioneer low-emission cars, clean coal-burning technology, and hardier crop plants -- or find cheap ways to slash emissions -- will take over from those that can't move as fast."

Click here to read the whole article.


CHECK IT OUT

If you're worried by low levels of voter turnout and want to do something about it, take a look at
Votestar.org, a non-profit group calling for "flash mobs" of people to get the word out -- and the art out -- about the importance of voting. On Sept. 1, Oct. 1, and Nov. 1-2, they want progressives to get out there in the streets and display the word "Vote" in one way or another.

Their call-to-arms: "The Rush Hour VOTE Show is a nationwide series of 'flash mobs' plastering VOTE every way we can think of, launching during the RNC Convention and culminating the eve of the 2004 election -- right through the close of polls November 2nd. So grab your cohorts and spread the action. Just show VOTE publicly at rush hour the first of each month, whether you paint it or print it, wear it or hang it."

You can download "Vote" art from their website, as well as submit your own contributions. Check it out.


QUOTED!

"I couldn't get a job with CIA today. I am not qualified." -- Rep. Porter Goss (R-Fla.), President Bush's nominee for Director of the Central Intelligence Agency.

Goss made the comment during a March 3, 2004, interview with Michael Moore for the movie "Fahrenheit 9/11." This revealing portion of the interview was not included in the film, but can be seen on
Moore's website.


HAPPENINGS

On July 31 and Aug. 21, Dr. Katherine Forrest delivered the Talking Politics with People Unlike Ourselves workshop to overflow crowds in
Palo Alto and San Francisco, respectively. On Aug. 11, she appeared on a one-hour talk radio program on WORT, Madison, WI, speaking on the same subject. Another workshop has been scheduled for the evening of Sept. 2, in Santa Cruz, CA. Please call 650-854-9796 for information about attending.

In response to a number of requests from across the country for these workshops and printed materials, the Commonweal Institute is creating a user-friendly, self-instructional Talking Politics manual, which we expect to have ready for release by mid-September. For more information, please
the Commonweal Institute website. Donations to support creation and publication of the manual would be much appreciated.


ENDORSEMENTS

"In these challenging times, we need an advocacy think tank like Commonweal Institute to communicate our principles and programs in ways that will resonate with the broad public and empower citizens to take a more active role in our democracy. Commonweal takes a strategic approach to advancing issues in a way that will help decision-makers be proactive in confronting the challenges of the future." -- Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi, D-San Francisco, 8th CD-CA, Democratic Leader of the House of Representatives


GET INVOLVED

If you agree with Nancy Pelosi (see above), there are a number of ways you can help the Commonweal Institute achieve its goals.

Right now, as you read, you can simply forward the Uncommon Denominator to friends and family who might be interested in learning about the Commonweal Institute. Getting the word out is crucial.

You can also join our network of donors building the Commonweal Institute. Your tax-deductible contribution is vital to making the Commonweal Institute an effective organization. $100 would help so much! Even a contribution of $10 or $20 will make a difference because there are so many moderates and progressives.
Click here to contribute online. Or call 650-854-9796. Your support is essential.

 


 

© 2004 The Commonweal Institute

 



To subscribe to this free e-newsletter, send a blank message to: ci-newsletter-subscribe@svpal.org.

-- or --


To subscribe from an email address other than your regular one, go to mailman.svpal.org/mailman/listinfo/ci-newsletter, and then enter your name and email address and click on "Subscribe."

Privacy Policy: The Commonweal Institute does not share subscriber information with any other organization or with individuals.