Vol. 2 No. 11 (March 2004)

Uncommon Denominator


The Newsletter of the Commonweal Institute
www.commonwealinstitute.org

"The basic tool for the manipulation of reality is the manipulation of words. If you can control the meaning of words, you can control the people who must use the words."
-- Philip K. Dick

 

CONTENTS

Eye on the Right: Talking the talk....
Talking Points: Reform the presidential nominating process
Wit and Wisdom: "Paramount Options Book of Job"
Check It Out: The evils of agriculture
Featured Article: "The New Pentagon Papers"
Quoted! Steven Moore on the federal budget deficit
Happenings Talking politics workshop; PFAW on board
Endorsements: Anne Firth Murray
Get Involved: Spread the word; become a contributor




EYE ON THE RIGHT

If you've noticed conservative politicians sounding strangely pro-environment lately, it's not a coincidence. Rather, it's a campaign designed to reduce the political liability of right-wing candidates on environmental issues. Unfortunately, the campaign is strictly rhetorical -- it's not about changing policies but about changing language.

And that's where Frank Luntz comes in. Luntz, the boyish Svengali of conservative politics, and the kind of person Philip Dick was talking about (see above), made his name as a pollster who concentrated on identifying the words that would prove most resonant with the American public. Now, in his message book "Straight Talk," Luntz brings his dark arts to the task of helping Republicans package themselves as concerned about the environment without actually having to be concerned.

The basic Luntzian strategies are the following. First, use words and phrases that are proven crowd-pleasers, rather than those that express the truth. He recommends the term "climate change," for instance, because it is "less frightening" than "global warming." Second, assure the public that you really do care, by framing all your comments on environmental policy with a green-sounding principle, such as "The environment is precious to all of us." Third, portray government as the real problem, since it hinders a "sensible" approach to "managing" the environment, and hold up technological and corporate "solutions" to environmental problems. Fourth, stick to your guns: deregulation, devolution, deforestation.

A good example of the Luntz approach: "You must explain how it is possible to pursue a common sense or sensible environmental policy that 'preserves all the gains of the past two decades' without going to extremes, and allows for new science and technologies to carry us even further. Give citizens the idea that progress is being frustrated by over-reaching Government, and you will hit a very strong strain in the American psyche." (For a serio-comic send-up of the whole Luntz operation, go to
luntzspeak.com.)

Now, the Uncommon Denominator does not pretend to be shocked that a political consultant would advocate particular kinds of language use and political marketing. What distinguishes the "Luntz memo," however, is the depth of cynicism it reveals, particularly on an issue of such vital importance to so many people.

Consider. In discussing global warming and the Kyoto Treaty, Luntz admits that "the scientific debate is closing against us, but not yet closed. There is still a window of opportunity to challenge the science." Then, lower on the page, he offers the following "Language That Works": "We must not rush to judgment before all the facts are in. We need to ask more questions. We deserve more answers. And until we learn more, we should not commit America to any international document that handcuffs us either now or into the future."

Such perverse disregard for an issue where millions of lives are involved is truly malignant. To dispute the science sincerely is one thing. But to acknowledge the science and then suggest ways of talking around it plumbs the depths of self-interested opportunism.

Luntz makes another telling admission: "When we talk about 'rolling back regulations' involving the environment, we are sending a signal Americans don't support. If we suggest that the choice is between environmental protection and deregulation, the environment will win consistently."

There's a reason for that, Frank. And let's hope the environment continues to win consistently!


TALKING POINTS

The recent Democratic primary, in which John Kerry first won in
Iowa and then - riding a wave of publicity - prevailed just about everywhere else, has again raised questions about the nominating process. How fair, inclusive, and effective is that process? How can it be made more so? In 2000, the G.O.P. revamped its primary schedule, and as the Democrats contemplate a major review before 2006, it is worth considering the strengths and weaknesses of the current system.

In some regards, it works well. There is a meaningful range of views that showcase real diversity of opinion, in sharp contrast to our many elections that feature lopsided runaways or cagey candidates muddying their positions. The intense focus on Iowa and New Hampshire encourages candidates to have sustained contact with ordinary voters rather than wage campaigns solely from television studios. And potential nominees must withstand intense scrutiny and challenges that test their mettle.

But we can do better. Here's our wish list of reforms for future primaries:

* Rotate opening states: Iowa and New Hampshire should not be the sole focus of candidates' grassroots campaigning. Different states have different interests and concerns, particularly those with bigger cities and more racial diversity. We should rotate the first states by holding a lottery among a pool of small and mid-size states.

* Start later: Some misguided party leaders may want an early nominee, but hardly anyone else yearns for a nine-month general election campaign of sniping and personal attacks. Primaries should run from March to June.

* An inclusive schedule: Republicans in 2000 nearly adopted the "Delaware plan" that would give more states and their voters a meaningful role. After the opening primaries, small states would vote in a "mini Super Tuesday," followed by a break that would allow voters to give frontrunners a second look. Bigger states would then vote, followed by more breaks, until finally the largest states would vote in a decisive final round.

* Require full representation: In Democratic primaries and caucuses, candidates win a fair share of convention delegates through full representation, where winning 25 percent of the vote earns at least 25 percent of delegates. Republicans mostly use winner-take-all primaries, where the first-place finisher receives all delegates even if winning far less than a majority. Winner-take-all distorts results and can allow an unrepresentative candidate to win big when the opposition vote is split among several candidates. Both parties should require full representation and consider lowering the 15% threshold of support now necessary for Democrats to win delegates.

* Adopt Iowa's "second choice" system: The Iowa caucuses showcase a more representative method by allowing voters the chance to cast alternate choices in case their first choice can't win delegates. Every participant ultimately elects a delegate, and candidates have incentives to reach out to supporters of other candidates. In contrast, more than a quarter of voters in the eleven primaries and caucuses after Iowa this year supported candidates who failed to reach the 15% necessary to win delegates, and absentee voters lost out if their mail ballot's first choice dropped out before their state's primary. A better way in the primaries is to allow voters to rank candidates so that if their first choice falls short, their runoff rankings can help more viable candidates. This is similar to instant runoff voting (see Steven Hill's Fixing Elections: The Failure of America's Winner Take All Politics, New York: Routledge, 2002).

* Remember the youth: While their turnout remains low, young voters are participating in greater numbers in 2004. New Hampshire's set of rules helps explain why. Voters can register on the day of the primary, and still vote in the primary if registered as an independent. And youth-oriented debates were spotlighted. Young people are more likely to be unregistered, are disproportionately registered as independents, and are more motivated to vote when candidates address their concerns.

* Fix the financing: When most leading candidates opt out of public financing, the system is broken. We should provide a four-to-one public match for small donations and give participating candidates additional funds when opponents opt out.

We deserve elections in which more of us can make a difference, where choices are meaningful, and where our votes count. Political parties can adopt most of these changes on their own without waiting for Congress to pass new legislation. Let's push for reform before 2008.

-- Rob Richie and Steven Hill




WIT AND WISDOM

PARAMOUNT OPTIONS BOOK OF JOB
Bible Pic to Star Adam Sandler



"In the wake of Mel Gibson's smash hit 'The Passion of the Christ,' Paramount Pictures today announced that it had optioned the exclusive motion picture rights to The Book of Job as a vehicle for comedy superstar Adam Sandler.

Paramount grabbed The Book of Job after passing on The Book of Revelations, which one studio spokesman said 'was way too expensive, special effects-wise'."

-- from the Borowitz Report. Read more.




CHECK IT OUT

In this day and age, littered as it is with the discarded shibboleths and certainties of a more complacent time, it has been nice to imagine agriculture as a bulwark against the disorienting changes of our modernity. Agriculture feeds people. The farm nourishes virtue and undergirds our national independence and integrity. Agriculture links old civilizations and new with a bracing sense of historical continuity….

Alas - here comes Richard Manning to deprive us of even these few comforting beliefs. In Against the Grain: How Agriculture Has Hijacked Civilization (North Point Press, 2004), Manning sees the history of agriculture as a story of ever-increasing damage both to ecosystems and to the psychological and social health of human beings. Observing that agriculture arose as a result of the understandable desire of people to stay well-fed, Manning demonstrates that it then came to distort or dominate the major political economies, from European colonialism and
New World slavery to today's globalized agribusiness. In discussing the modern context, Manning's outrage gets particularly fierce. He argues that the industry is driven fundamentally by profit rather than altruism, that it is responsible for malnutrition and pollution, and that its three principal crops - the "amber grains" of wheat, corn, and rice - require untenable outlays of energy to plant, ha! rvest, process, and distribute. Potential reforms or larger-scale solutions are not given as great or as detailed attention, but Manning comes down on the side of self-sufficient organic farms and localized food-systems.

Not only has Manning put in an impressive amount of research, he draws creatively on insights from evolutionary science, archaeology, philosophy, anthrpology, and other disciplines that can shed light on the history of agriculture. The book is definitely a gripping read, if not a cheery one. Check it out.


FEATURED ARTICLE

The following is an excerpt from "The New Pentagon Papers," by Karen Kwiatkowski, a former lieutenant colonel in the U.S. Air Force who worked in the Pentagon's Office of Special Plans during the lead-up to the war in Iraq. Her account of the Pentagon's use of intelligence to support the war appeared in the March 10, 2004, edition of Salon magazine.

"From May 2002 until February 2003, I observed firsthand the formation of the Pentagon's Office of Special Plans and watched the latter stages of the neoconservative capture of the policy-intelligence nexus in the run-up to the invasion of Iraq. This seizure of the reins of U.S. Middle East policy was directly visible to many of us working in the Near East South Asia policy office, and yet there seemed to be little any of us could do about it.

I saw a narrow and deeply flawed policy favored by some executive appointees in the Pentagon used to manipulate and pressurize the traditional relationship between policymakers in the Pentagon and U.S. intelligence agencies. . . .

At the time, I didn't realize that the expertise on Middle East policy was not only being removed, but was also being exchanged for that from various agenda-bearing think tanks, including the Middle East Media Research Institute, the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, and the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs. Interestingly, the office director billet stayed vacant the whole time I was there. That vacancy and the long-term absence of real regional understanding to inform defense policymakers in the Pentagon explains a great deal about the neoconservative approach on the Middle East and the disastrous mistakes made in Washington and in Iraq in the past two years."

Click here to read the whole article.


QUOTED!

"Adding unnecessary and wasteful spending to the budget when we already have a half-trillion dollars of deficit spending is a form of fiscal child abuse." -- Steven Moore, president of the ultra-conservative Club for Growth, as quoted in The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, January 23, 2004


HAPPENINGS

On March 21, the Commonweal Institute sponsored a workshop, "Talking Politics with People Not Like You," with Dr. Katherine Forrest as trainer. The attendees were a diverse group of activists affiliated with a variety of Silicon Valley organizations. They shared practical experience and learned how to apply lessons from social psychology in discussing politics with strangers and relatives of differing ages and backgrounds. Dr. Forrest is available to deliver similar workshops to other groups. To make arrangements, contact her at
kforrest@commonwealinstitute.org or 650-854-9796.

In November, 2003, Leonard Salle and Katherine Forrest met with Peter Montgomery, Vice President of Communications at People for the American Way, to request PFAW's active involvement with the issues of election security surrounding electronic voting machines. Further conversations and internal deliberations at PFAW resulted in that organization issuing an official policy statement.


ENDORSEMENTS

"The Commonweal Institute has taken on an ambitious set of tasks designed to ensure that progressive and just perspectives will be heard on the issues of the day. In a time when individual rights and basic democratic principles are under threat, the work of the Commonweal Institute is particularly important." -- Anne Firth Murray, Founder, Global Fund for Women


GET INVOLVED

If you agree with Anne Firth Muray (see above), there are a number of ways you can help the Commonweal Institute achieve its goals.

Right now, as you read, you can simply forward the Uncommon Denominator to friends and family who might be interested in learning about the Commonweal Institute. Getting the word out is crucial.

You can also join our network of donors building the Commonweal Institute. Your tax-deductible contribution is vital to making the Commonweal Institute an effective organization. $100 would help so much! Even a contribution of $10 or $20 will make a difference because there are so many moderates and progressives.
Click here to contribute online. Or call 650-854-9796. Your support is essential.


 

© 2004 The Commonweal Institute

 



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