Vol. 2 No. 9 (January 2004)

Uncommon Denominator


The Newsletter of the Commonweal Institute
www.commonwealinstitute.org

"No protracted war can fail to endanger the freedom of a democratic country .... War does not always give over democratic communities to military government, but it must invariably and immeasurably increase the power of civil government; it must almost compulsorily concentrate the direction of all men and the management of all things in the hands of the administration. If it does not lead to despotism by sudden violence, it prepares men for it more gently by their habits."
-- Alexis de Tocqueville

 

CONTENTS

Talking Points: Reframing terrorism
Wit and Wisdom: Drilling on Mars
Around the Corner: Surveilling surveillance technologies
Quoted! O'Neal Dozier on God-fearing judges
Check It Out: R.I.P. for S.U.V.'s
Happenings: Speaking out on voting machines and tort reform
Endorsements: Anne Firth Murray
Get Involved: Spread the word; become a contributor




TALKING POINTS

In the wake of 9/11, ultraconservatives have used the concept of a War on Terrorism (WOT) - a "war" with no foreseeable end and hidden enemies lurking everywhere - to tighten control over the American public, undermine civil liberties, advance their own foreign policy agenda, distract attention from their own controversial domestic agenda, and intimidate the opposition.

We can expect terrorism to remain a dominant media story throughout 2004, and terrorism-related media-worthy events to be used in service of the political goals of the far right.

In the face of the media-dramatized
WOT, it has been hard for dissenting voices to be heard. Opposition to conservative policies and actions, and to Republican candidates, is met by accusations that the opponents are unpatriotic or seek to put Americans at risk.

Unless moderates and progressives find ways of dealing effectively with the terrorism issue, they will continue to be disadvantaged in the political arena. Unfortunately, their efforts to deal with the topic in the media often inadvertently end up reinforcing the importance of the issue and the conservatives' ways of talking and thinking about it. A key concept here is that of framing.

What is framing? The following explanation is excerpted from the website of the
FrameWorks Institute in Washington, DC. "Framing refers to the construct of a communication - its language, visuals and messengers - and the way it signals to the listener or observer how to interpret and classify new information." Framing analysis deals with "how messages are encoded with meaning so that they can be efficiently interpreted in relation to existing beliefs or ideas." More simply, people have mental images in their minds that help them interpret what is going on around them. Our automatic impulse is to attempt to relate new information to the concepts we already have. The way an issue is framed triggers shared and durable cultural models that help us make sense of our world.

With regard to terrorism, a frame that portrays the efforts against terrorism as a war, with terrorists as individual enemies and tightly-knit groups of plotters, evokes images of heroic action figures who single-handedly take on and vanquish the menacing foe. This leads naturally to images of war, heroic soldiers, America alone against the menace of terrorism, and the President as action hero.

Repetition of a frame reinforces it. Every mention of terrorism that uses language or images that reinforce the WOT frame strengthens the political position of the Bush administration. Each reference to the "war on terror" evokes a response that is favorable to leaders and an administration that are seen as decisive and action-oriented. This is true whether the speaker who says the word "war" is a conservative or a progressive. It is true even when one refers to a "war of ideas" or a "war of values."

Terrorism and national security are issues that need reframing from a perspective that will benefit moderates and progressives, and weaken the potency of terrorism for those who are using it as a political tool. There is an urgent need, therefore, for moderates and progressives to pay attention to the framing of terrorism and the role of language and metaphor in supporting the present frame, which works to their disadvantage.

The new frame may address the nature of terrorism - what it is like - as well as its origins. It should encompass the role of government and leaders both in protecting the country from possible consequences of terrorist impulses (domestic and foreign), and in decreasing the probability of terrorist attacks in the future. Reframing could also help decrease the general level of anxiety about terrorism. Further, for those who do not want to see our country locked into the perpetual "war" posited by those now in power, reframing will be needed to support a different image of leadership - a leader or leaders who are appropriate for carrying out a protective, nonmilitary campaign.

Unfortunately, at this point almost all of us have incorporated quite a bit of the conservative frame into our mental constructs-our ways of thinking about terrorism-so changing the frame will be a challenge.

Developing alternative framing is the first step, a step that requires understanding and thought. Research is crucial - research into how the issue is being framed now, how the public thinks about the general subject, and testing of possible alternative frames and wording to make sure they evoke the desired response. The right wing does this all the time. Moderates and progressives could, too, if they recognized the importance of framing and language, and put the appropriate resources into mastering these communication tools. The development of new framing has to start now, not in some indefinite future, and it will not happen unless resources are committed to making it happen.

Finally, it will not be enough simply to have a new frame "on the books." If the new frame is to be truly effective, it will have to be used consistently and by many separate voices, with the appropriate language and images, until public attitudes fundamentally change. Moderate and progressive leaders, spokespersons, candidates, writers-and many members of the public-will need to adopt and consistently use the new framing in talking about terrorism, framing that will NOT evoke the conservative model. They will need to use the words and metaphors that will work to their advantage, rather than those that reinforce the conservative position. They will need to use the words and metaphors for which a measured, cooperative, and statesmanlike leadership style will seem necessary and appropriate, rather than inadequate and ineffective.

The task of reframing terrorism thus belongs to the whole moderate-progressive community, not just to individual candidates, the Democratic party, or Moveon.org. We must work together if we are going to regain our ability to define the world and the terms on which America engages it.


WIT AND WISDOM

"President Bush announced a billion-dollar mission to the moon and Mars. He came up with a snappy new slogan: To drill where no man has drilled before." -- Craig
Kilborn.


AROUND THE CORNER

"The progress of science is not likely to stop with wiretapping," Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis wrote in 1928, recognizing then that the telephone -- still a relatively new technology -- enabled new forms of "trespass" beyond any contemplated by the framers of the Constitution. Yet Brandeis's prescience was not reflected in law until 1967, when the Supreme Court ruled in
Katz v. United States that electronic surveillance fell under the "search and seizure" limitations of the Fourth Amendment. The following year, the U.S. Congress enacted the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act, which included the first codified guidelines for electronic surveillance: namely, that the content of wire communications could be seized only in criminal cases, with a court order and probable cause, and that wiretapping could be used only as a "last resort" for the most serious crimes, and carried out so as to minimize inte! rception of innocent conversations.

Yet as Brandeis predicted, the "science" of surveillance has not stopped evolving, and some of its technological innovations now make wiretaps seem positively quaint.

Newer "packet-switched" telecommunication technologies merge voice, data and video. Open and networked, they are capable of cheaply storing and widely distributing huge quantities of personal information, and, in the case of wireless phones, can provide real-time location tracking. At the same time, the refinement of digital video technology, with its superior picture quality, means the cheaper transmission of far-flung video feeds and the cheaper storage, retrieval, and distribution of high-resolution images. Indeed, it will soon be technically and economically feasible to deploy cameras -- linked by via wireless data networks to a centralized database -- throughout every metropolitan area in the U.S., enabling authorities to "monitor" public activity across the entire nation. Fiction? Far from it. That line has already been crossed in Britain, where, as The Economist recently reported, the average citizen is now recorded by public surveillance cameras about 300 times a ! day.

Meanwhile, several other new surveillance technologies are moving beyond the R&D stage into practicability: video surveillance by drones on unmanned aircraft, night-time sky surveillance over U.S. cities by "spybots" using infrared technology, and GPS (global positioning satellite) "bugs" that can record a targeted vehicle's position.

Individually and in tandem, these technologies have radically expanded the means by which authorities can monitor citizens -- much faster than the legal system has been able to adapt. As of early 2003, for example, no comprehensive regulation of the acceptable parameters of video surveillance of public areas by government or private organizations exists. At the same time, as attorney James X. Dempsey has demonstrated in "Communications Privacy in the Digital Age", the strict guidelines for government surveillance established by the 1968 Omnibus Crime Act have been steadily relaxed in regard to newer technologies. To take just one example, the FBI has used the 1994 Community Assistance to Law Enforcement Act (CALEA) to require wireless phone companies to collect location-signaling information on network users, and to allow the interception of packet-data communications without probable cause or a se! arch warrant.

Predictably, such encroachment on the Fourth Amendment has accelerated since 9/11. The USA Patriot Act allows federal authorities to monitor Internet activity such as web browsing and e-mail without establishing probable cause -- even if the person monitored is not a criminal suspect (see Section 216). (The Homeland Security Act of 2002 extends this power to state and local police.) In addition, the Patriot Act expands the scope of information that law enforcement can subpoena from Internet Service Providers, including records of session times and duration, temporary network addresses, and means and source of payment (see Sections 210 and 212). The "Roving Wiretap" provision of The Patriot Act gives investigators the right to expand wiretaps to include unspecified third parties, potentially undermining the letter and spirit of the "minimization" requirement of traditional law (see Section 217).

In this ever-changing technological era, one of the most important progressive political projects should be the campaign for a comprehensive (and ongoing) renovation of surveillance law that balances legitimate security needs with sacrosanct Constitutional protections. Among the critical components of such an "architecture of privacy":

Expansion of existing wiretap law to protect citizens against the unreasonable search and seizure of wireless and packet-switched data

Federal guidelines regarding video surveillance of public spaces, specifying its legitimate uses in law enforcement and intelligence gathering

Regulation of video and Internet surveillance in the workplace, ensuring standards for notice, access to information, and use limitations. (Former Senator Paul Simon's "Privacy for Consumers and Workers Act," drafted in 1993 and defeated in committee, would be a good place to start)

We at the Commonweal Institute recognize that the politics of privacy are complicated, that privacy interests must be weighed against other social needs, and that privacy means different things to different people. But the kinds of changes Americans are now witnessing (or experiencing) should not take place without full public awareness and a vigorous debate -- and perhaps not even then. The greatest strength of the United States lies in the character of its democracy and its public life; we must guard therefore not only against terrorism, but against the fear that would lead us into undermining one of our most treasured principles.

-- Philip Leggiere




QUOTED!

"This country is founded on the principles of Christianity, not the principles of Buddhism, not the principles of Judaism...I don't believe the developers of the Constitution would want us to compromise our Christian values....I want to know the applicants' spiritual makeup....It tells me a lot about a person. I think a judge should be God-fearing." -- O'Neal Dozier, pastor of the fundamentalist Worldwide Christian Center in Pompano Beach, and one of Florida Governor
Jeb Bush's appointees to the 15th Judicial Circuit Judicial Nomination Commission, as quoted by the South Florida Sun-Sentinel.

Read more on how judicial appointees are questioned about their personal lives and religious beliefs.


CHECK IT OUT

Do
S.U.V.s outrage you? Do you resent not being able to see traffic in front of them when you're caught behind them? Are you concerned by the fact that their bumpers are at about the same height as your head? Perhaps you have more philosophically or politically informed objections: they contribute to global warming; they enthrall us to the Middle East; they symbolize gluttony....?

If not, please skip to the next section. If so, you might want to check out the following:

Earth on Empty. A guerrilla team that "tickets" S.U.V.s. Their faux "violation" notices, which resemble parking infractions, are intended to open people's eyes to the destructiveness of these oversized vehicles. Many of those ticketed react with anger, but some have responded positively -- and the idea in either case is to stigmatize S.U.V. ownership as a morally questionable behavior. You can order tickets through their website, or write to Earth on Empty, P.O. Box 400561, N. Cambridge, MA, 02140.

Friends of the Earth. They operate a site called www.suv.org, where one can buy anti-S.U.V. bumper-stickers (e.g., "Support OPEC. Buy an S.U.V."), or send a ready-made postcard to automakers which reads: "Next time I shop for a vehicle, I would like to buy a car with the lowest emissions, highest fuel efficiency, and cleanest production processes technologically possible. Please provide affordable clean green cars for consumers like me as soon as possible."

Our New York readers might be interested in Stay Free Magazine, which issues tickets to S.U.V.s in the Big Apple. The various possible infractions on their tickets include everything from "endangering other drivers" and "polluting twice as much as regular cars" to "compensating for lack of manhood" and "holing self up in two-ton metal fortress." Order online.

For the more serious-minded, a useful resource is the Green Book, a publication of the American Council for an Energy-Efficient Economy that provides information about the energy consumption and exhaust output of a variety of vehicles. Even if you're not in the market for a new car, pass it on to people who are. Available online.


HAPPENINGS

Presentation on Electronic Voting and Other Election Hazards -- On January 12, Commonweal Institute co-founder Katherine Forrest and Advisory Board member Dennis
Paull spoke in San Mateo, California, at an event hosted by Peace Action. Attendees hailed from a wide variety of communities, reflecting widespread concern about the new voting machines currently being adopted by a number of counties around the San Francisco Bay Area.

TRIAL Magazine Highlights CI's Report on Tort Reform -- David Casey, President of the Association of Trial Lawyers of America, has reviewed "The Attack on Trial Lawyers and Tort Law" in the current edition. If you haven't had a chance to read the report yet,
click here to download. N.B.: The full report runs approximately 1 megabyte.


ENDORSEMENTS

"The Commonweal Institute has taken on an ambitious set of tasks designed to ensure that progressive and just perspectives will be heard on the issues of the day. In a time when individual rights and basic democratic principles are under threat, the work of the Commonweal Institute is particularly important." -- Anne Firth Murray, Founder, Global Fund for Women


GET INVOLVED

If you agree with Anne Firth Murray (see above), there are a number of ways you can help the Commonweal Institute achieve its goals.

Right now, as you read, you can simply forward the Uncommon Denominator to friends and family who might be interested in learning about the Commonweal Institute. Getting the word out is crucial.

You can also join our network of donors building the Commonweal Institute. Your tax-deductible contribution is vital to making the Commonweal Institute an effective organization. $100 would help so much! Even a contribution of $10 or $20 will make a difference because there are so many moderates and progressives.
Click here to contribute online.


 

© 2004 The Commonweal Institute

 



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