Vol. 2 No. 8 (December 2003)

Uncommon Denominator


The Newsletter of the Commonweal Institute
www.commonwealinstitute.org

"The deadliest enemies of nations are not their foreign foes; they always dwell within their borders ."
-- William James

 

CONTENTS

Get Involved: Leave a present in our stocking!
Talking Points: The monster under the bed
Wit and Wisdom: "Iraqis Fail to Love Raymond"
Check It Out: Assessing America's global stature
Featured Article: Neil Gabler on conservative PR
Quoted! Rick Santorum on American destiny
Happenings: Good steps forward on key issues
Endorsements: Ted Lempert




GET INVOLVED

All political moments are crucial in their own way, but some are more crucial than others, and at the end of 2003, we find ourselves in a particularly precarious time. Environmental protections face continued attack; the educational system is more hamstrung than ever; the Christian Right presses its campaign against the separation of church and state; the gap between rich and poor grows and grows; the international prestige of the United States keeps sliding (despite the capture of Saddam Hussein).

If you care about these issues, please consider joining our network of donors building the Commonweal Institute! Whether it's $10, $100, or $1,000, your tax-deductible contribution will make an important difference in helping to advance progressive ideas in the political arena.
Click here to contribute online. Or call 650-854-9796. Your support is essential.

Over the past year, the Commonweal Institute has seen successes in:

Helping to defeat a bill in California that would have caused thousands of teacher layoffs by increasing the maximum class size in public schools, and would have wasted billions of dollars the state has invested in teacher recruitment and retention;

Raising awareness of how the Right has used the "tort reform" movement, and attacks on trial lawyers generally, as a way of defunding their political opposition;

Contributing to an increasingly effective effort to ensure that new electronic voting technologies do not undermine the integrity of the democratic process;

Alerting the academic community to the ways in which the Right is seeking to undermine academic freedom by attacking supposedly "liberal" professors;

Forging alliances with organizations and individuals on the moderate-to-progressive end of the spectrum -- alliances that will be necessary to combat the Right's message machine.

Our approach in these efforts and in future projects is to develop a communications strategy that gives progressive ideas the force and profile they deserve, and that will help move public attitudes back toward the center. In the words of Nancy Pelosi, minority leader in the House: "In these challenging times, we need an advocacy think tank like the Commonweal Institute to communicate our principles and programs in ways that will resonate with the broad public and empower citizens to take a more active role in our democracy." Robert Reich, former Secretary of Labor and co-founder of The American Prospect, concurs: "America needs a true marketplace of ideas, not a one-sided monologue by the right. At a time when airwaves and emails are filled with conservative voices, the Commonweal Institute is more important than ever."

If you make a donation now, you can deduct it from your taxes for 2003. You can also know that your money will support the only advocacy think tank designed to take on the Right with a marketing-based, long-term strategic plan, across a range of important issues.

Click here to contribute online. Or call 650-854-9796. Your support is essential.


TALKING POINTS

Imagine the following political cartoon. A young boy, in bed in his cozy bedroom, a Dixie Chicks poster on the wall, clutches the top of his American flag quilt and looks fearfully toward the door, where his father (in cowboy boots) has just entered. "Daddy," the boy says, "I think there's a monster under the bed." Indeed, there it is: a huge snarling reptilian thing, all claws and teeth and scales, with the word "Deficit" scrawled across its loathsome length. "Aww, that's nothin' to fret about," drawls the father, "That's just the puppy I brung home for Christmas."

Too blunt, probably, and perhaps unfair -- but this whimsical scene does convey something of the dynamic that has emerged in American political discourse regarding the federal budget deficit. That dynamic consists, on the one hand, of a disingenuous, faintly paternalistic campaign to convince the public that a $500 billion dollar deficit doesn't really matter, and on the other hand, of the willingness of Americans, in their eternal optimism, to believe so.

So why should we view the deficit as more monster than puppy? Why does it matter? How will ordinary Americans experience its tangible effects? These are important questions to address because, on any given day, the deficit probably seems so abstract and imponderable to most people. The public might intuitively feel that large deficits are bad, but one rarely hears clearly articulated explanations of why.

At the outset, we need to look at the argument that deficits are good because they stimulate growth. This may be true, but only if we're talking about relatively small deficits and/or relatively short-term growth. Currently, we're facing massive deficits that threaten to undermine the long-term economic health of the country, even though they appear for now to have purchased (as promised) a sharp upturn in GDP growth. What Americans need to remember is that the approximately 8% growth figure for the last quarter, and the robust numbers that will likely show up next year, are -- in a very real sense -- unaffordable. Not only would it take as much as decade or more of implausibly fast growth to pay off the debt we're incurring, but in the meantime the venom of heavy deficit spending will be eating away at the tissues of the country's economy. Here's how:

Huge deficits are bad because they crowd out private investment. As the deficit rises, so do interest rates, because the government has to compete with other borrowers for money, and therefore has to raise rates in order to attract lenders (a.k.a. investors). So as interest rates rise, more investors will put their money in government bonds, which have a specified rate of return, as opposed to risking that money in the stock market. That means that less money overall will be invested in the private sector -- and particularly in those smaller companies that tend to represent the leading edge of innovation. This is just a thumbnail sketch of a complicated economic dynamic, but it does capture the prevailing wisdom of the last 15 years, among both conservative and progressive thinkers.

Huge deficits are bad because they limit spending on useful programs. This, of course, is precisely what many conservatives now intend; the days when conservatives called for a balanced budget amendment seem like eons ago. The Right's goal, as has been argued here before, is to undermine the federal entitlement system and to make it politically difficult for progressives to propose new programs and services, or to improve existing ones. There is something terribly cynical about overspending in order to prevent spending, and Americans might respond more negatively to if they had a better sense of where their money is actually going, of what the relative dollar figures are.

To take a current example, the administration has requested $87 billion for one year in
Iraq (an amount that does not include money already spent, or money that will be spent in the future). By comparison, here are budgeted figures for 2004:

$75 billion. All agriculture programs
$71 billion. The Department of Labor
$55 billion.
Education
$15.4 billion.
The space program
$11.7 billion. Section 8 vouchers for low-income families that need help with housing
$6.5 billion. Head Start (which reaches only 60 percent of low-income preschoolers)
$5-7 billion. The "war on drugs"
$0 billion.
The "No Child Left Behind" act (an unfunded educational mandate)

One in seven Americans lacks health insurance. One in 10 American children lacks coverage for basic vaccines. One wonders whether the American people would continue to tolerate the deficit spending caused by tax cuts and war if they really understood the good that that money might accomplish for themselves, their families, and their communities. The progressive position must be to emphasize fiscal responsibility and the importance of spending money wisely, in the areas that will make life better for the greatest number of Americans. Massive deficits that make life better for the wealthy and for the Iraqis, but not for the people of Bangor, Maine, or Bakersfield, California, are probably not what most Americans had in mind.

Huge deficits are bad because future generations will have to pay for them. It's like inheritable credit-card debt. The bill always comes due, and even if today's boomers don't have to pay for it, their children and grandchildren will. It would be nice if we could grow our way out of debt through a robust economy generating more tax revenues, but there are limits, particularly when you consider the strain that an aging boomer generation will place on Social Security and Medicare. Sending every American a $300 tax-cut check might seem like a nice gesture, and will certainly help with buying some new clothes or fixing the car, but it should be seen as a sop, a bribe, and an insult. (The $30,000 tax break that the conservative political donor got -- now that's a nice gesture.) The projected $500 billion deficit for 2004, along with the hundreds of billions in the coming years, will not simply disappear after a few years of economic growth. They threat! en to saddle the country for a long time.

The monster may be under the bed right now, but you can hear it stirring.


WIT AND WISDOM

Iraqis Fail to Love Raymond
Setback for Pentagon Planners

"The Pentagon today acknowledged that their attempt to introduce an American-style sitcom to post-Saddam Iraq had been a dismal failure, as Iraqis expressed their overwhelming disapproval of the CBS hit 'Everybody Loves Raymond.'

'We were operating under the assumption that everybody, indeed, loves Raymond,' Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld told reporters. 'Apparently, plenty of people hate Raymond, especially in the Shiite south.'

Sources inside the Pentagon blamed the decision to broadcast 'Raymond' on the advice of Iraqi exiles who had enjoyed the sitcom on American Airlines while jetting back and forth between
London and Washington."

-- From the Borowitz Report. Read more.




CHECK IT OUT

Many of us living in the United States today feel a growing sense of disappointment or sadness at the decline, since 9/11, in America's global prestige. We should also be seriously concerned. Increasingly, the world views the United States less as a beacon of liberty, hope, and opportunity than as a self-righteous behemoth running roughshod over other peoples and other interests. This is dangerous. Perceptions matter. History demonstrates that even the most powerful nations, in military and economic terms, cannot simply dispense with the opinions of their neighbors.

A survey of major new books investigating the role of the
U.S. vis-a-vis the global community reveals the extent of the problems we are now facing when it comes to our international image and influence, along with the possibilities for repairing our relations with other countries. The following titles are a representative sampling of this emerging line of publishing. Check 'em out.

Michael Hirsh, At War with Ourselves: Why
America Is Squandering Its Chance to Build a Better World (Oxford University Press, 2003). Hirsh, an established reporter at Newsweek, argues that "circumstances have forced us into a stark choice: either withdraw completely to our borders and watch the international system wither away without us, or fully embrace, at long last, this global system we fathered and yet too often have fecklessly orphaned in our eagerness to retreat home." The book is both conversational and comprehensive.

Robert Jewett and John
Shelton Lawrence, Captain America and the Crusade Against Evil: The Dilemma of Zealous Nationalism (Eerdmans, 2003). Jewett and Lawrence seek to explain the recurring crusader impulse in American foreign policy -- a "mythic imperative" that now "requires shielding American warriors in the war against terrorism, no matter how many rules they break or how unpopular they may become." Jewett and Lawrence concentrate on the deeply religious roots of the American self-image and suggest that a theological or absolutist sense of national mission is ultimately self-destructive.

Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay,
America Unbound: The Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy (Brookings, 2003). The "revolution" that Daalder and Lindsay identify rests on two beliefs: first, "that in a dangerous world the best -- if not the only -- way to ensure America's security was to shed the constraints imposed by friends, allies, and international institutions"; and second, "that an America unbound should use its strength to change the status quo in the world." The Brookings Institution has moved to the center in the last decade, and this is a determinedly journalistic book, but in the final chapter, "The Perils of Power," the authors show a few of their cards.

G. John Ikenberry, ed.,
America Unrivaled: The Future of the Balance of Power (Cornell University Press, 2002). This collection of essays concentrates on the implications of American "unipolarity" and questions whether such a geopolitical imbalance is desirable or sustainable. The book appeared before the current war in Iraq and can sound outdated (e.g., "it is difficult to discern a significant decline in alliance solidarity between the United States and its European and Asian partners"). But the essays' theoretical perspectives are as relevant as ever.

Seyom Brown, The Illusion of Control: Force and Foreign Policy in the Twenty-First Century (Brookings, 2003). Another resolutely centrist offering from the Brookings Institution, Brown's work analyzes the increasing willingness of U.S. leaders to use military force in a "polyarchic" (i.e., complicated) geopolitical environment, assesses the dangers and supposed benefits of this trend, and offers guidelines for helping to ensure that "wherever and whatever military options are chosen, they are indeed the lesser evil and truly advance the country's interests."


FEATURED ARTICLE

The following is an excerpt from "Conservative Revolution? No -- Just
Dazzingly Effective PR," by Neil Gabler, a senior fellow at the Norman Lear Center at USC's Annenberg School for Communication:

"Nearly 40 years ago, historian Daniel Boorstin coined the term 'pseudo-events' to describe things like premieres, photo ops and publicity stunts: They have no inherent value and exist only to be covered by the media. The right wing has now devised a pseudo-politics, of which the 'conservative revolution' is a primary feature. It may look like the real thing, sound like the real thing and, most important, be covered by the media as if it were the real thing, but it is essentially just a way to gain media attention, which is usually enough to convince people that it is the real thing. If the objective of cultural politics is to win adherents, the objective of this postmodernist pseudo-politics is to convey the idea that you have already won adherents -- that the revolution has already occurred and power has been transferred."

Click here to read the whole article.


QUOTED!

"I've read the Bible. Nowhere in the Bible does it say that
America will be here 100 years from now. We can blow this. This country can fail." -- U.S. Senator Rick Santorum (R-Pennsylvania), at a political rally in 1994, as quoted in Slate magazine


HAPPENINGS

Increased profile for CI report on tort law -- "The Attack on Trial Lawyers and Tort Law," by CI Fellow David Johnson, has been featured on the websites of both the
New York State Trial Lawyers Association (www.nystla.org) and the Texas Trial Lawyers Association (www.ttla.com). The Connecticut Trial Lawyers Association, meanwhile, has sent electronic copies to hundreds of its members, urging them to spread the word.

New York Times calls for VVATs -- Amidst a growing public outcry over the potential for error, tampering, and abuse in new touch-screen voting technologies, the country's most influential newspaper has endorsed the idea of requiring electronic voting machines to provide a paper record, or "Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trail" (VVPAT). The Secretary of State of California has declared in favor of VVPAT, allowing until 2006 for implementation; Commonweal Institute communicated several times with the SoS during his deliberations, explaining the importance of VVPAT for election security. Most recently, Nevada has just mandated VVPAT for all direct recording electronic voting machines, to be in place in time for the 2004 elections. The Commonweal Institute will continue to press for prompt, universal adoption of this feature that is so important for the integrity of American democracy.


ENDORSEMENTS

"Commonweal will play three critical roles in helping all of us and our organizations in making the world a better place. They will frame the debate, provide research for existing organizations and expand the base." -- Ted
Lempert, former California State Assembly member and current CEO of EdVoice


 

© 2003 The Commonweal Institute

 



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