Vol. 2 No. 2 (June 2003)

Uncommon Denominator


The Newsletter of the Commonweal Institute
www.commonwealinstitute.org


"The test of our progress is not whether we add more to the abundance of those who have much;
it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little."
-- Franklin D. Roosevelt




EYE ON THE RIGHT

It's becoming clearer every day that moderates and progressives need a more effective way to get their message out. The reason the Right has been so effective at getting their message out, and getting their politicians elected, and getting their policies enacted, is that they've established an extremely well-funded idea-development and communications infrastructure that has been called "The Mighty Wurlitzer." This infrastructure consists of think tanks like the Heritage Foundation and the American Enterprise Institute; radio talk-show hosts like Rush Limbaugh; TV pundits on Fox News; newspapers like the Washington Times and New York Post, publishing houses like Regnery; and a variety of other organizations.

All of this constitutes an "infrastructure" because it is already set up and in place, ready to amplify and disseminate any message that the conservative movement's ideological leaders feed into it. Moderates and progressives, meanwhile, don't have anything comparable in place. That has to change!

Politicians respond to the public - that's their job. So: to change the country's political climate, we need to change public attitudes, not just rely on politicians. This is how the Right has accomplished so much. They have pursued a decades-long strategy of using the media to inundate the public with ideological messages, year by year nudging the public further to the right - thus enabling their politicians to move in and harvest the results.

Consider the Right's efforts to undermine public education. For many years they have been pumping out the message that "public schools are failing," and - lo and behold - a consensus forms that the public schools are failing. In turn, since "failure" implies that there's nothing left to be done, conservative politicians can more successfully promote school vouchers, rather than seeking to improve public education through greater investments in teachers, classroom materials, and physical facilities. Moreover, this is taking place in the larger context of the conservative campaign to promote all forms of privatization while demonizing government services - and thus the specific policy of vouchers gets greater traction in a broader messaging environment.

Now, compare that to, say, health care reform. Americans have not been widely exposed, to say the least, to moderate and progressive critiques of the health care system. Consequently, there is no widespread perception of a problem that calls for progressive solutions. Those politicians who advocate health care reform must - from scratch, during the election cycle - seek to explain the nature of problem and then try to enlist public support for proposals. On the center-Left, the burden rests with elected leaders because a broad base of public support for their ideas has not already been developed by a comparable communications infrastructure. It's like reinventing the wheel while swimming upstream! And that's where the Commonweal Institute comes in....

The conservative movement infrastructure was set up by a core group of right-wing activists - including Richard Mellon Scaife, Joseph Coors, and Rupert Murdoch, among others - with a clear vision and tons of money. That infrastructure now consists of hundreds of organizations, both large and small, with some differences between them, but with a remarkable consistency of strategy and message. These organizations all exist because of the fierce determination and funding power of a relatively small number of people.

But you might be surprised to know that there's also plenty of moderate and progressive money. Why, then, is the Right so much more effective? Because it has focused its money on creating a network of advocacy organizations whose shared goal is to develop public support for far-right ideology. An emphasis on general operating funding, with the money flowing year after year, ensures that these organizations can spend less time raising money and more time pursuing their ideological agenda.

By contrast, moderate and progressive philanthropists traditionally fund specific, narrowly-defined projects with limited objectives rather than the general operations of organizations. This system of "program funding" evolved as an efficient way to apply scarce resources to projects for which there was a public consensus of support, such as helping the poor or protecting the environment.

Times have changed, however. The Right's ideology machine has undermined that public support, with the result that the program-funding system is becoming less effective. For example, imagine a 10-year, $500,000-per-year program to protect a redwood grove. Then a government official decides that the best way to prevent forest fires is to remove the trees, and can rely on the conservative infrastructure to get that message out to the public. Next thing you know, the redwood grove is gone, and the $5,000,000 was spent in vain. Meanwhile, local right-wing radio personalities mock the program's funders as "environmental wackos" or "eco-terrorists," and people picket the funders' offices carrying signs saying they are "anti-capitalist" or even "anti-American."

Traditional program funding was not designed to counter this sort of coordinated assault from the Right, and the conservative movement, with its allied politicians, is carrying out an agenda of dismantling moderate and progressive policies and programs that have taken decades to put into place. Moderates and progressives must build our own idea-development and communications infrastructure that will move public attitudes back toward the principles that are so important to all of us: environmental protection, economic justice, separation of church and state, accessible health care, excellent public education, a comprehensive approach to national security.

As a multi-issue, strategic communications organization, the Commonweal Institute will expand the underlying base of support for moderate and progressive principles. We will reach the general public with messages and information designed to move them back from the right. This will grow the base of support for candidates and organizations that will protect the programs we care about.

But we can't operate without funding. We need major funding from big donors. In addition, to comply with IRS regulations, the Commonweal Institute needs many smaller donations from individuals. So even a $10 contribution can help a lot. Of course, $100 is that much better. And if you can send $1,000 or more, it would be a tremendous help. Please write a check now, or donate online using your credit card. If your employer matches charitable contributions, please take advantage of that. The Commonweal Institute can accept donations from outside the United States, and can also accept noncash contributions such as equities and real estate. We are a 501(c)3 non-profit, so contributions are tax-deductible.

This is your opportunity to help build an organization that will counter the ideological propaganda of the Right, and defend the programs we all care so much about. This is your opportunity to make a real difference at this turning point in the history of American democracy - an opportunity to fight back effectively against the Right.

Please send your check to: Commonweal Institute, 535 Middlefield Road, Suite 150, Menlo Park, CA 94025.

-- Dave Johnson




WIT AND WISDOM

"It's been reported that five young men in Baghdad have started a boy band modeled after 'N Sync and the Backstreet Boys. If this is true it means that the Iraqis may have finally acquired a weapon of mass destruction." -- Conan O'Brien


DISPATCHES

This month, the Uncommon Denominator introduces a new occasional section, "Dispatches," which features commentary on politics and culture from correspondents abroad. The idea is to provide an independent, street-level view of the major issues currently in the news. In this first installment, Nathan Abrams, a young professor living in London, provides insight into how the war in Iraq and its aftermath have been interpreted in England.

We welcome contributions from people living overseas who can provide information and/or perspectives on politics and progressive activities. If you are interested, or know somebody who might be interested, please write the editor at editor@commonwealinstitute.org.


Before the war in Iraq started, opposition across Britain ran high. A vigorous national debate about the pros and cons of intervention got so heated that Prime Minister Tony Blair's position began to seem precarious. At the height of the debate, as many as one million people turned out for an anti-war march in London.

That's partly because the United States, despite the assistance of prominent British "neo-cons" (see the New Statesman, May 12, 2003), presented its case for war so badly (not that the British government did a sterling job either, having been caught plagiarizing a scholar's work off the Internet). Indeed, the current U.S. Ambassador to Britain, William S. Farish III, has kept a remarkably low profile, evidently preferring his horses in Kentucky to his duties in London, where he is rarely seen. The U.S. Embassy even advertised here recently for a speechwriter to better present its case to the British public. Whether this approach will work remains to be seen.

Britons do not generally disagree with the goals of current U.S. foreign policy, but they tend to oppose the unilateralist approach that the Bush administration has chosen to take on global issues. Britons oppose terrorism, having long been victims of it themselves at the hands of the IRA (although two Britons have been accused in one of the May suicide bombings in Israel). Britons also understand the moral case against Saddam Hussein: that his regime was a peculiarly nasty threat to both Iraqis and the geopolitical order. However, many wanted Blair to work in tandem with the United Nations, rather than lending the United States an uncritical helping hand.

Another argument gaining currency, and most notably forwarded by the editor of the Sunday weekly The Observer, is that Blair should be pushing the United Kingdom closer to Europe, towards the European model of social democracy, and away from the American one of free-market capitalism. Siding with the United States in the war against Iraq, it was argued, undermined this case and produced further splits in an already riven Europe.

Once the war began, however, that opposition melted away - motivated, it was said, by the feeling that "once our boys are in the field we back them." But during the war, Britain did not experience the same flag-waving nationalism that one sees everywhere in America. Aggressive flag-waving here is seen as sinister, a preserve of the far right, and the Union Jack is usually only seen on official buildings, hotels, and at soccer matches. Overt expressions of support for soldiers, of the type I saw on a recent trip to Florida ("Pray for Our Troops"), have largely been absent here.

When Saddam Hussein's statue in Baghdad was toppled, few people did not feel a sense of exhilaration at the end of that regime, and the Blair administration managed to come through the war largely unscathed (despite the resignations of Clare Short, the Secretary for International Development, and Robin Cook, the leader of the House of Commons). Some commentators believe that the recent mid-term elections in Britain confirmed a general backlash against Labour as a result of the war but the conclusions are far from clear. Labour did lose seats, but traditionally a sitting government always loses seats and Labour lost many fewer than expected. Second, people are voting for their local representatives in mid-term elections, and so local issues tend to take precedence over national or international ones. The position of Blair, meanwhile, seems uncertain. While he initially emerged as a strong leader from an apparently successful war, subsequent questions about the way that m! ilitary intelligence was used have seriously undermined his political standing.

In any case, the focus in Britain is shifting back to domestic issues. Coming to the fore of the political agenda are questions about adopting the Euro as currency, signing onto the new European constitution, funding the National Health Service, improving education, dealing with asylum seekers, and the fading fortunes of the Conservative Party. Of course, Britons remain concerned about two crucial areas of foreign policy: the postwar reconstruction of Iraq, and the Middle East "road map." The mood is not terribly positive. Many Britons suspect that the U.S. is simply pursuing its own interests in Iraq, and wonder whether the administration will invest any real capital in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Meanwhile, it's hard to tell how aware the British public is of Bush's domestic agenda. But there are suspicions that Bush and Blair are alike in many ways, both political and personal, including a shared religious faith. This, however, is played down in the U.K., as open religiosity on the part of our elected leaders does not play well here. Also, some commentators have presented Blair as a neo-conservative (presumably a designation he would reject) because of his increasingly interventionist foreign policy.

It's not just the American government that could better present its case to the British public. Britons who are worried by the Bush administration's policies need to be reassured that there is an active progressive movement in the U.S. that shares their values and goals: environmental protection, fair and sensible tax policies, separation of church and state, corporate accountability. Much has been made of the "special relationship" between Britain and America. In the coming years, it will be crucial for that special relationship to mean not just military cooperation but the coordination of like-minded progressives.

-- Nathan Abrams




QUOTED!

"We are trying to change the tone in state capitals, and turn them toward bitter nastiness and partisanship. . . . Bipartisanship is another name for date rapet." -- Grover Norquist, conservative lobbyist and president of Americans for Tax Reform, quoted in the Denver Post. Norquist later "clarified" his comments by arguing that partisanship helps prevent tax increases, and by attributing the "date rape" comment to former Representative Dick Armey (R-Tex.), when he was frustrated by minority status in the House.

Norquist, it should be pointed out, is not a maverick, but one of the central players in the conservative movement. As Media Transparency notes, he "has close ties to the Republican Party, large U.S. business interests, and both the subsidized and regular U.S. media. He truly represents the nexus of politics, business and media."


CHECK IT OUT

Food seems awfully complicated nowadays. Lurking in it might be mad cow disease, E-coli, botulism, Salmonella, pesticides, and God knows what else. Genetically modified meats and vegetables are gobbled up every day, but nobody really seems to understand their long-term effects. The World Trade Organization and the U.S. Dept. of Agriculture are at odds over the rules governing food importation. Even SARS, we learn, may have crossed into the human population from the eating of civets, a delicacy in China, although that is still speculative - like so much else!

National boundaries, species barriers, and biotechnological borders are all crumbling when it comes to food production. Not even our stomachs, evidently, are out of reach of the forces of globalization and human ingenuity.

Americans now routinely eat foods shipped in from other countries and climates, since this is often the cheapest way, or the only way, to get the items we want. Need a tomato in winter? No problem. Need Chilean sea bass rather than catfish? Chicken with lots of white meat? Fungi-resistant melon? No problem.

Meanwhile, new data cited by the International Society for Ecology and Culture show that one in five American meals are consumed in the family car. Not Chilean sea bass and melons, certainly, but probably cheeseburgers with ingredients hailing from at least 3 regional climates and assembled somewhere in the industrial Midwest. Can this be the best way we have evolved to nourish ourselves?

No wonder people wonder about what they are feeding their children. And no wonder that the interest in "organic foods" is rising. But there's a lot of confusion about what "organic" means. What's a concerned consumer to do?

First, what is organic food? Well, that depends on who you talk to. Here's how the U.S. Dept. of Agriculture defines it:

"Organic food is produced by farmers who emphasize the use of renewable resources and the conservation of soil and water to enhance environmental quality for future generations. Organic meat, poultry, eggs, and dairy products come from animals that are given no antibiotics or growth hormones. Organic food is produced without using most conventional pesticides; fertilizers made with synthetic ingredients or sewage sludge; bioengineering; or ionizing radiation. Before a product can be labeled "organic," a Government-approved certifier inspects the farm where the food is grown to make sure the farmer is following all the rules necessary to meet USDA organic standards. Companies that handle or process organic food before it gets to your local supermarket or restaurant must be certified, too."

That sounds pretty straightforward, but there are a couple of wrinkles. First, the new USDA Organic seal may be displayed only on products that contain at least 95 percent organic ingredients by weight - which means that up to 5 percent of the product can be "non-organic." Only products labeled "100% Organic" are 100% organic. Products labeled "Made with Organic Ingredients," must contain at least 70% organic ingredients by weight. Also, the terms "natural," "free range," and "hormone free" are not certified organic by the USDA seal - so the phrase "all natural" might not quite meet your expectations.

Moreover, some companies try to make certain products appear less artificial or less processed. This is a type of "greenwashing," or the effort (by certain corporations and their political allies) to come across as more environmentally friendly than they actually are. For example, two different boxes of rice pilaf sit on the shelf; one manufacturer doesn't use MSG (which has a bad reputation), but triples the amount of sodium to get the same taste and preservative effect. Which box is better? At the moment, the answer is largely up to you, your personal health priorities and philosophy. So it is still caveat emptor! Buyer beware!

Fortunately, two recent developments signal that changes are coming to help make these choices easier. First, in April the Senate repealed an anti-organic rider passed in February which was designed to undermine the six-month-old national organic standards and labeling program administered by the Dept. of Agriculture.

Secondly, new research released on April 1 shows that consumers are willing to "put their money where their mouths are," especially concerning global food safety, food supply, and the effect farming has on the environment. (See the complete study, "Food from our Changing World," or a brief summary.) Given sufficient pressure, the food industry giants who have opposed transparency and national standards can't ignore public demand forever.

Therefore, while food producers complain about the supposed burdens of labeling and other regulations designed to serve the public good, concerned consumers should make sure to ask questions at the point of purchase. Try to shop at a farmer's market, join a local food co-op or farmer's association, or just become a familiar face to the clerks in your supermarket. Ask lots of questions; they will take notice. If they don't or can't answer your questions to your satisfaction, you can always take your business elsewhere. For business to change, there has to be feedback from the customer. Your fussy shopping habits can help ensure a better food supply for yourself and your community. Finally, you can simply grow your own food - herbs and vegetables from your back-yard garden can go much further than you might think. (OrganicGardening.com has lots of information about this).

If you're interested in reading more about organic foods and food politics, check out the following sources:

Earthbound Farm, a national supplier of organic foods based in California whose mission is "to make the organic choice viable." The Earthbound Foods Fact Sheet describes in full in the USDA's national organic standards.

The Rodale Institute, which "works with people worldwide to achieve a regenerative food system that renews and improves environmental and human health, working with the philosophy that "Healthy Soil = Healthy Food = Healthy People."

The Center for Rural Affairs, "a private, non-profit organization . . . working to strengthen small businesses, family farms and ranches, and rural communities."

The Whole Earth Policy Institute, "dedicated to providing a vision of what an environmentally sustainable economy - an eco-economy - looks like, as well as a roadmap of how to get from here to there."

Julia A. Moore's "Food Fights", an online review of Mark L. Winston's Travels in the Genetically Modified Zone (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 2002)

Erik Millstone and Tim Lang's The Penguin Atlas of Food: Who Eats What, Where and Why (New York: Penguin, 2003)

Marion Nestle's Safe Food: Bacteria, Biotechnology, and Bioterrorism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003).

The more that we as consumers know, and the more noise we make about safety and transparency, the better chance we have of making a difference. The giants of the food industry might want us to believe that their way is the only way - but that's only true if they get their way.

-- Karen Watters Cole




HAPPENINGS

The Commonweal Institute is proud to announce the addition of two new members to its advisory board. Paul Sheldon is a private development consultant specializing in non-profit fund-raising, board development, and philanthropic advising. He helped to organize the Rocky Mountain Institute, the Los Angeles-based TreePeople, Friends of the Los Angeles River, and many other progressive organizations, and has served as a motivational consultant to General Motors, Bank of America, Muzak, and the City of Aspen, Colorado. He currently serves as Treasurer of the Trinity Institute for Appropriate and Sustainable Technology and Research, a think tank in Northern California. L. Hunter Lovins is Director of the Natural Capital Group of the Global Academy. A member of the California Bar, she has managed international non-profits, created several corporations, and is in great demand as a speaker and consultant. Her areas of interest and expertise include Natural Capitali! sm, globalization, governance, land management, energy, water, green real-estate development, and community economic development.

The Uncommon Denominator would like to welcome aboard two new contributors. Karen Watters Cole, who describes herself as a "political junkie traditional mom," has done much volunteer work for women's groups, schools, and the arts. Nathan Abrams, who teaches U.S. History and Film at the University of London, is co-editor of Containing Culture (Birmingham University Press, 2000) and co-author of Studying Film (Arnold, 2001), and is currently working on a book about Commentary magazine.


ENDORSEMENTS

"In these challenging times, we need an advocacy think tank like Commonweal Institute to communicate our principles and programs in ways that will resonate with the broad public and empower citizens to take a more active role in our democracy. Commonweal takes a strategic approach to advancing issues in a way that will help decision-makers be proactive in confronting the challenges of the future." -- Nancy Pelosi, D-San Francisco, 8th CD-CA, Democratic Leader of the House of Representatives


GET INVOLVED

If you agree with Nancy Pelosi (see above), there are a number of ways you can help the Commonweal Institute achieve its goals.

Right now, as you read, you can simply forward the Uncommon Denominator to friends and family who might be interested in learning about the Commonweal Institute. Getting the word out is crucial.

You can also join our network of donors building the Commonweal Institute. Your tax-deductible contribution is vital to making the Commonweal Institute an effective organization. $100 would help so much! Even a contribution of $10 or $20 will make a difference because there are so many moderates and progressives.Click here to contribute online

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In the meantime, be sure to check out our What's New page, where we post regular updates about our various activities.


 

© 2003 The Commonweal Institute

 



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